Latino USA Episode 32

This is Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture.

[Opening music]

I'm Maria Hinojosa. On today's program, Latino reaction to the House Passage of NAFTA.

For the very first time, we had such a major impact on legislation in this country, on legislation that, whether we were for it or against it, is going to affect us tremendously in our future.

And from Puerto Puerto Rico, how and why Puerto Ricans voted on the question of their political destiny.

As a Texan, he's proud of Texas. As a person of Oklahoma, he's proud of Oklahoma. As a person, he's proud of Mississippi. We are proud to be Puerto Rican, and we are proud to be American citizens.

This and more coming up on Latino USA, but, first, las noticias.

This is news from Latino USA. I'm Vidal Guzman.

[Highlight—natural sound—protest] Hey, you're blind. You don't know the future.

The debate over NAFTA is now over, and the North American Free Trade Agreement is closer to becoming a reality. The Congressional Hispanic Caucus split geographically on the vote. Those west of the Mississippi voted for NAFTA, while representatives from the Midwest and East Coast were opposed, citing their fear of job losses, a fear President Clinton attempted to allay after the vote.

I call on the coalition that passed NAFTA to help me early next year present to the Congress and pass a world-class reemployment system that will give our working people the security of knowing that they'll be able always to get the training they need as economic conditions change.

Latinos played key roles in both sides of the NAFTA debate. José Niño, president of the US Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, says, "Never before has the involvement of Latinos had such an impact on legislation." "And that," says Niño, "bodes well for the future."

As we move forward and we negotiate other laws and other relationships between Mexico and the US, in America, they're going to be looking to the Latino community here and saying, "Well, let's get their opinion now," and whether they want our opinion or not, it's such a big impact into what's going on that they can no longer just sit around and ignore us.

If NAFTA is approved by the three countries, it would create the world's largest free trade zone. The US Border Patrol says it will continue with its round the clock enforcement of a 20-mile stretch along the US-Mexico border. From El Paso, Luis Saenz says, "What started out as, 'Operation Blockade' is now just standard operating procedure."

The name has been dropped, but the way the Border Patrol is watching the US-Mexico border in El Paso remains the same. Operation Blockade, as it was called when it started three months ago, is made up of 400 agents who patrol a 20-mile stretch of the border. According to Border Patrol officials, the strategy is doing exactly what it was meant to do, cut down on the arrest of undocumented immigrants. Since the Border Patrol stepped up its enforcements, arrests have dropped almost 90%. Officials say, "Washington is keeping a close eye on the operation, and they've had inquiries from lawmakers in Arizona and Texas about the operation."

Meanwhile, immigrant rights groups continue to criticize the operation, indicating that it only fuels the anti-immigrant climate prevailing in some parts of the country. Border Patrol officials say, "It's business as usual, and this is the way it's going to be from now on."

For Latino USA, I'm Luis Saenz in El Paso, Texas.

The Centers for Disease Control says AIDS is now the leading cause of death among young Hispanic men between the ages of 25 and 44, ahead of homicide and suicide, and just behind chronic liver diseases on the centers' ranking of causes of death in the United States. Among Hispanic women in the same age group, AIDS ranks as the third leading cause of death. You're listening to Latino USA.

In the majority Mexican-American City of San Antonio, more than 100 members of that city's Hispanic Police Officers Association have filed a discrimination complaint with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. From San Antonio, Linda Cuellar filed this report.

The discrimination complaint was filed at the EEOC in August by 12 Hispanic officers. In the last few days, more than a quarter of the membership of the San Antonio Hispanic Police Officers Association have added their names to the complaint. There are 1,527 uniformed police officers in San Antonio. 594 are Hispanic. The complaint alleges Mexican Americans are not recruited for the force in large enough numbers, that Hispanic officers are treated unfairly in disciplinary actions, and that they are overlooked for promotions within the San Antonio Police Department. The complaint alleges Hispanic officers are forced to work in a hostile environment according to spokesman for the Hispanic Officers Association, Jose Marquez.

We have a situation in San Antonio where Hispanic police officers are forced to listen to radio communications talking about wetbacks and spics in derogatory terms about Hispanics. Now we have a situation in San Antonio where a police officer will call for a translator by saying, "Get me a wetback to translate for this other wetback," and these are documented cases that are going on even today.

The EEOC will complete its investigation in February. San Antonio Police Department and city officials refuse to comment on the complaint, but they have defended the department's personnel practices in the past. 80% of the Hispanic officers filing the complaint have 20 years or more experience on the force. Marquez predicts the case will be taken before a federal judge in the spring.

For Latinos USA, this is Linda Cuellar in San Antonio, Texas.

In Austin, Texas, you're listening to Latino USA. I'm Vidal Guzman.

[Transition—theme music--guitar]

I'm Maria Hinojosa. The long, drawn-out, and hard-fought battle over the North American Free Trade agreement finally came to an end when the House of Representatives, after more than 10 hours of debate, approved the controversial treaty by a vote of 234 for NAFTA, 200 against. Latino USA's Patricia Guadalupe has been following the debate on Capitol Hill. She prepared this report.

[Background—natural sounds—Congressional proceeding] On this vote the yeas are 234, the nays are 200, and the bill has passed.

There were no last-minute surprises in the Hispanic caucus since all the Latino members of Congress had announced beforehand how they would vote. All members east of the Mississippi River voted against a treaty, including all the Puerto Rican members, Democrats Luis Gutierrez of Illinois, Nydia Velazquez of New York, and Hispanic caucus chair Jose Serrano, also of New York, as well as the Cuban American members of Congress from New Jersey and Florida. All those west of the Mississippi River, that is, every Mexican American member of Congress, with the exception of Democrat Henry Gonzalez of Texas, voted in favor of NAFTA. Among the members voting for the treaty was Democratic Representative Frank Tejeda of Texas. During the hours of the debate, he likened a yes vote, to a vote for economic progress particularly for future generations.

If we reject NAFTA, we limit their future potential. We must press NAFTA and teach our graduates by example. We must also send the willing message, that the United States instead remained the world's economic leader.

But neither Congressman Tejeda's words, nor those of other pro-NAFTA representatives did anything to convince the three Cuban American members of Congress, who have all along objected to signing an agreement with Mexico. They oppose Mexico's diplomatic relations with Cuba. Lincoln Diaz Ballard, a Cuban American Republican from Florida, added that he voted against NAFTA not only because of Cuba but because he considers the Mexican government with the same political party and power for over 60 years to be undemocratic.

And that's the problem with the Mexican government. They, they're a long-standing rotating dictatorship. They steal elections every six years. And when we sign an agreement with them, who are we signing agreement with? A group of families, or a group of people? So that's why we need to, we should have announced from the beginning that we're doing it. We want entrance into a common market of hemispheric democracies. We didn't do that. That's a fatal flaw.

The final vote was not as close as some had expected with 16 more than the 218 needed for passage. Some analysts say the intense lobbying by the Clinton administration in the last few days, along with Vice President Al Gore's good showing in the debate with Ross Perot convinced many of the undecided members. Raul Hinojosa, an economist at UCLA and a member of the Pro-NAFTA Coalition known as the Latino consensus, also thinks that the opposition to NAFTA lost steam as the final vote neared.

What's happened is that the White House has had an incredible momentum in the last week and a half of a lot of undecideds, which is way, by the way, exactly how the public has shifted. A lot of the undecided vote went to NAFTA in the last two weeks. I think what was clear is that the opposition was very strong, but it wasn't growing anymore, and therefore what we're seeing is that the vast majority of the undecided then shifted over with the President on this issue.

The NAFTA treaty now moves onto the Senate where final approval is expected easily. If accepted by the governments of Canada and Mexico, the North American Free Trade Agreement would go into effect next January, creating the largest consumer market in the world. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

Perhaps more than in any previous foreign policy debate, US Latinos, from political leaders to factory workers, have been involved in the discussion surrounding the North American Free Trade Agreement. New Mexico Congressman Bill Richardson, for example, spearheaded the administration's push for votes in the house. The Mexican government has lobbied Latino organizations for several years on the issue. Latino labor leaders have been active in the anti NAFTA movement, and within Latino organizations a coalition called the Latino Consensus has worked to have greater Latino input into what's been called this NAFTA.

Some of those Latinos active on both sides of the NAFTA debate now join us on Latino USA. José Niño, president and CEO of the US Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, based in Washington, who supported NAFTA. Sylvia Puente, research director for the Latino Institute in Chicago, which originally opposed, but finally supported NAFTA. From New York, Jose La Luz, International Affairs director for the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union who opposed NAFTA, and Andy Hernandez of the Southwest Voter Research Institute in San Antonio, one of the members of the Latino consensus on NAFTA. Bienvenidos, welcome to Latino USA. Let me begin with you, Andy Hernandez in Texas. Were you surprised by the way the house finally voted on NAFTA?

We thought it was going to be a little bit closer, but no, we weren't surprised. I think that in the end a number of groups came around because they felt that what the provisions that the administration was providing, like North American Development Bank, made NAFTA worth fighting for. By the way, the division you saw in the whole is reflected in their own delegation. Nine Hispanic members went for NAFTA, eight opposed it.

In fact, that says something about the split within the Hispanic caucus. We had Puerto Rican and Cuban American Congress members mostly opposed and most of the Mexican-American representatives in favor of NAFTA. What does this say about the Hispanic caucus? What does it say about Latino divisions within our political voting block and about how we see these Latino issues as a community? Jose Niño in Washington.

What it says is that we have to continue to keep working and nobody's rubber-stamped here. Everybody brings their own uniqueness to the table, and everybody has to be highly respected for their own opinion. We have to continue to work, and I know that our organization, the US Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, we supported it from the very beginning. There were those others that didn't yet we kept on communicating and talking with each other to see how we could bridge that gap all along, and that's what we must continue to do within the caucus.

Jose La Luz, you represent labor in this discussion. How do you see these divisions among Latinos regarding NAFTA, which has now been passed?

The impact in the Midwest and the Northeast could be more serious in terms of the potential for job loss. So, obviously, this means that the constituents of many of these Latino Congress people that oppose NAFTA had a very different view of the consequences this would happen. In my opinion, it is significant that Latinos, whether they were for or against this trade and investment treaty, have made a major contribution to shape one of the most critical elements of foreign policy towards Latin America. And in that sense, we have made a very important contribution to the future of the country and I am very proud of our role.

And I totally concur with that and I think that on this particular issue, what it means for Latino leadership is that while there was a lot of commonality among us as Latinos, as I see this issue, it broke down along economic interest.

And as Mr. La Luz has stated, the Midwest and especially Chicago being a primary manufacturing center in the United States was a critical factor of our initial decision to conditionally oppose NAFTA until we could ensure that those who would be disproportionately affected, the 40% of Chicago's Latino community works in manufacturing, would be able to have a sufficient worker retraining program and income assistance to enable them to continue to compete.

We have now to fight to make sure that the rules of trade are improved so that the kind of harmonization that we are anticipating takes place upwards and not downwards, such as is the case in the European community. And that's why the question of monitoring potential job loss in this location is a fundamental importance for all of us that are participating in this conversation.

Now, the debate surrounding NAFTA brought out some pretty unpleasant images of Mexico. There was questions of poverty, corruption. Ross Perot was talking about our trucks, our camiones, that were going to ruin American roads. How do you see that aspect of the debate figuring into the long-term Mexico-US debate?

Politically that's going to be the next fight in the next election year. I think that you're going to have candidates running against immigrants and there's a very good chance that Latinos will become the Willie Hortons of the 1994 elections. I think we should anticipate that and we need to take the appropriate steps to -- not defend ourselves. I don't think we need a defense, but we need to take the appropriate steps to make sure that we don't allow these myths and these falsehoods to go unchallenged in the political arena.

Pues, muchas gracias, thank you very much for joining us on Latino USA, Andy Hernandez of the Southwest Voter Research Institute in San Antonio, Jose Nino, president and CEO of the US Hispanic Chamber of Commerce in Washington. Sylvia Puente, research director for the Latino Institute in Chicago, and from New York, Jose La Luz, international affairs director for the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union. Muchas Gracias for Latino USA.

[Transition—music--Tejano]

For the first time in 26 years, the people of Puerto Rico went to the polls to express their preference on the island's political destiny and in a very close vote, Puerto Ricans chose to retain their current commonwealth status over becoming the nation's 51st state, or an independent republic. Latino USA's Maria Martin was in Puerto Rico for the November 14th vote. She filed this report.

[Inaudible] Con el secretario general del Partido Nuevo Progresistsa y el director de campañas de la estabilidad en este plebiscito. Siguen…

As the polls closed on election Sunday and the returns came in from throughout the island of Puerto Rico, two things became clear. The vote between the options of Commonwealth and Statehood was going to be close, and the small percentage of votes for independence would take support away from both other options. In the final tally, none received a majority, but the Commonwealth option with almost 49% of the vote beat out statehood by close to three percentage points. [Background—natural sounds—car horns] Jubilant Commonwealth supporters took to the streets on election night on their way to an outdoor victory party outside the headquarters of the Pro Commonwealth Party. [Background—natural sounds—celebration] In the narrow streets of Ol' San Juan, entire families from young kids to senior citizens danced and celebrated. Doña Rosá brought her family to the celebration from the town of Rio Grande.

Yo creciba bajo el Estado Libre Asociado, naci, me creci y aqui estoy. [English dub]

I believe in the Commonwealth. I grew up under the Commonwealth, and me and my family have lived well under it. So why go changing something if we're doing well under the free-associated state, the Commonwealth. Right now I have a house. I don't pay property taxes. In the United States, I would probably pay $200 a month.

Si vivieron en el Estado tengo que pagar $200 cada mes, por eso.

So I ask, you based your decision on economics?

¿Entonces diria usted que esta decision fue mas que nada una decision economica? [Spanish]

No. No. Mas bien para mi es nuestro orgullo ser Puertorriqueño y defendamos la patria… [English dub]

No. For me, it was a question of pride. Of being Puerto Rican. Of defending the motherland, which is not for sale.

That same desire to keep a US connection, without giving up culture and language is echoed by Luis Davila of the Commonwealth Party.

As a Texan is proud of Texas, as a person of Oklahoma is proud of Oklahoma, as a person is proud of Mississippi, we are proud to be Puerto Rican and we are proud to be American citizens.

[inaudible] Puerto Rico por estar aqui, presente. ¡Que viva la Estadidad! ¡Arriba!

Outside the headquarters of the rival, Partido Nuevo Progresista, the pro statehood party. Disappointed statehood supporters tried to put the best face on their defeat.

Poquito triste porque no esperabamos eso, pero… [English dub]

We are a little sad because we did not expect this, but we just have to keep trying.

[Highlight—natural sound—crowd]

Puerto Rican Governor Pedro Roselló looked visibly strained as he worked his way through an adoring crowd for a concession speech. Roselló said statehood supporters would continue to fight to make Puerto Rico this country's 51st state.

Hemos dado un paso gigante en ese camino… [English dub]

With this vote, we have taken a giant step forward…

Tengan fe…

And you have to keep the faith

Mantengan su Esperanza…

You have to have hope…

Porque hay un Dios…

Because there is a God

Que sabe lo que bueno para Puerto Rico.

Who knows what is best for Puerto Rico.

[Highlight—natural sounds—Senate halls] In the marble halls of the Puerto Rican Senate where press from around the world gathered as the official returns came in, political analysts were not as optimistic as the governor over the meaning of this vote for the future of statehood for Puerto Rico.

Statehood has died on its tracks. The statehood has been growing in Puerto Rico since 1952 at a pace that came from 12% to 49% in the last elections.

Juan Garcia Passalacqua is the commentator for radio and television in San Juan.

I, in all honesty, believe that statehood is dead, that the United States of America will take this opportunity to get Puerto Rico out of the territorial clause. As soon as Puerto Rico is outside the territorial clause, no one can ask for statehood anymore.

For Dr. Aida Montilla, another well-known Puerto Rican political analyst, the significance of the vote was that, in effect, the tiny Independence Party had prevented both statehood and ELA or the Commonwealth from gaining a majority.

And the independence movement had, as a purpose, to prevent an absolute majority, and it was only a plurality of all that's diminishes the power to negotiate. In that case, independence won.

This was just the result members of the Partido Independentista, the Pro-Independence Party, had hoped for. Manuel Rodriguez Orrellana, that party's electoral commissioner, viewed the election results in this way:

It is a message of national affirmation of our distinct identity as a Latin American nation of the Caribbean. And it is also a repudiation of a colonial system that has kept us under a system of economic dependency that is increasing every year more and more, and putting a greater burden on the American taxpayer to keep an artificial economy afloat in Puerto Rico.

The vote on Puerto Rico's political status was framed as a non-binding petition to Congress, but just how the Congress will read the results of the vote is not yet clear. Does it mean, for instance, that the people of Puerto Rico are happy with the status quo and therefore Congress can relegate Puerto Rico to its back burner? Carlos Romero Barcelo, Puerto Rico's representative in Congress and a proponent of statehood doesn't think so.

They cannot view it in any other way other than admitting and accepting that the people of Puerto Rico have rejected the colony, have rejected a status where we have no right to vote or no right to representation, or where we have no independence. We cannot remain as a colony and the US government nation will have to deal with that fact.

The leaders of the Commonwealth Party promised the people of Puerto Rico that if they won, they would ask Congress for a better deal for the island, including making Puerto Ricans eligible to receive more federal benefits like supplemental Social Security income or SSI. But with a statehood governor in power, and a statehood proponent representing Puerto Rico in Congress, and all three parties claiming some kind of victory as a result of this plebiscite, this may not be an easy task. For Latino USA, I'm Maria Martin reporting.

[Transition—Music—Regional Mexican]

23 years ago, Luis Aguilar was a homeless, undocumented immigrant, wandering the streets of Los Angeles after being picked up by the US Immigration Service. Today, Luis Aguilar manages two successful restaurants in Lamont, California, but he's never forgotten his humble beginnings. And that's why three times a year this once undocumented immigrant opens his doors to feed the homeless. Jose Gaspar reports from Bakersfield, California.

One of the best-known Mexican restaurants in Kern County, California, is El Pueblo Restaurant, located in the small farming town of Lamont, just 20 minutes south of Bakersfield. As usual, the restaurant today is filled to capacity, but today the clients are the homeless people of Kern County. They've been invited here by Luis Aguilar. The owner of El Pueblo.

It comes from my heart that I like to share this with these wonderful people that they really need it, because I went through this a long time ago, and I know how it feels to be on the streets and without a job, and no place to live.

Luis Aguilar came to this country 23 years ago as an illegal immigrant from Michoacán, Mexico. After being picked up by the Immigration Service in Los Angeles, he was deported to Tijuana but made his way back. He was homeless until a married couple took him in and helped him find a job. Today, Luis Aguilar feeds the largest group of homeless people three times a year. And that means a lot to people. Such as 25 year old Joyce Humble, who's been homeless for the past two years.

It feels to me that they're reaching out and helping us on the ones who can't really get out and afford a lunch like this. And it feels great to know that somebody cares.

27-year-old Roger Barton from Los Angeles also came to eat here today. He hasn't eaten in a restaurant in several years.

Well, a lot of these people probably haven't eaten in a restaurant in maybe five years. And what it does, it adds a little bit of, makes them feel a little bit human. Instead of eating on a soup line, day after day after day, they come to a restaurant, sit down, they're served and adds a little hope to them.

More and more people come for the free meal each time. Unemployment in the Central Valley County is one of the highest anywhere in California, especially for farm workers. It's taken a heavy toll on many farm workers such as 52 year old Fidel Luna.

[inaudible] como tres meses sin casa y eso que se debio porque no pago la renta… [English dub]

I've been without work for three months, he says. "There's no more work for me in Los Angeles. There's no money to pay the rent, and it's much more difficult to survive as an undocumented immigrant when we don't have papers.

Porque el que tienen papeles pos [inaudible] y hay le dan para el [inaudible] Yo no tengo nada.

The person who has papers at least can get food stamps. I don't have anything," says Fidel Luna. You can't help but noticing the number of women and children who, along with the men, join the ranks of the homeless. While he's glad to feed the homeless. Luis Aguilar is also sad to see the growing number of people who need his help.

We got children from two years and up, families of seven to eight members in the family. It just makes me upset, see this, all these children without a place to live and I just feel bad and I want to do more for them if I can.

For Latino USA, I'm Jose Gaspar in Bakersfield, California.

And for this week, y por esta semana, this has been Latino USA. The Radio Journal of News and Culture. Latino USA is produced and edited by Maria Amelia Martin. The associate producer is Angelica Luevano. We had help this week from Vidal Guzman and Lance Neal. Latino USA is produced at the studios of KUT in Austin, Texas. The technical producer is Walter Morgan. The executive producer is Dr. Gilbert Gardenas. The theme music is by Ben Tavera King. We want to hear from you. So, llamanos call us at 1-800-535-5533. That's 1-800-535-5533. Or write to us at Communication Building B, the University of Texas at Austin, 78712. Major funding for Latino USA comes from the Ford Foundation, the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, and the University of Texas at Austin. Y, hasta la proxima, until next time, I'm Maria Hinojosa for Latino USA.