Annotations for Subject-headings: Discrimination

This is Latino USA, a radio journal of news and culture. I'm María Hinojosa. Today on Latino USA: Latinos in South Central Los Angeles.

This is Latino USA, a radio journal of news and culture. I'm María Hinojosa. Today on Latino USA: Latinos in South Central Los Angeles.

The realities are, we have a lot of Rodney Kings. We have a lot of Latinos who are being beat up. We have a lot of discrimination going on in the city.

The realities are, we have a lot of Rodney Kings. We have a lot of Latinos who are being beat up. We have a lot of discrimination going on in the city.

A report card for President Clinton.

A report card for President Clinton.

It's unfair in a way to say that the Clinton administration hasn't appointed too many Latinos, hasn't appointed too many of anything.

It's unfair in a way to say that the Clinton administration hasn't appointed too many Latinos, hasn't appointed too many of anything.

Also, una celebración del Cinco de Mayo y Sesame Street goes Latino.

Also, una celebración del Cinco de Mayo y Sesame Street goes Latino.

¿Abierto?

¿Abierto?

Yes, certainly! Abierto is the Spanish word for open! Abierto.

Yes, certainly! Abierto is the Spanish word for open! Abierto.

All this here on Latino USA, but first: las noticias.

All this here on Latino USA, but first: las noticias.

A report by the US Civil Rights Commission says Latinos in the nation's capital suffered discrimination in social services, jobs, and from the police. Pedro Avilés is the executive director of the DC Civil Rights Task Force.

A report by the US Civil Rights Commission says Latinos in the nation's capital suffered discrimination in social services, jobs, and from the police. Pedro Avilés is the executive director of the DC Civil Rights Task Force.

What the US Civil Rights Commission does is that it substantiates what we've been saying. Now we have a report from a federal agency that is basically saying the District of Columbia government is guilty of mistreating Latinos.

What the US Civil Rights Commission does is that it substantiates what we've been saying. Now we have a report from a federal agency that is basically saying the District of Columbia government is guilty of mistreating Latinos.

The Civil Rights Commission says conditions which led to three days of riots two years ago in Washington's Mount Pleasant District also exist in other US cities. The report recommends DC Mayor Sharon Pratt Kelly begin outreach to the Latino community. You're listening to Latino USA.

The Civil Rights Commission says conditions which led to three days of riots two years ago in Washington's Mount Pleasant District also exist in other US cities. The report recommends DC Mayor Sharon Pratt Kelly begin outreach to the Latino community. You're listening to Latino USA.

A case which challenges minority-based redistricting is now before the US Supreme Court. The case involves a majority African American district in North Carolina, which was redrawn to ensure a Black majority. Five white voters in the district challenged the redistricting plan, arguing it goes against the principle of a colorblind constitution.

Without the [unintelligible], we would not see the progress we've seen in minority voter participation. What this would do if it were to prevail, it would be a major step backward. It would shut people out again.

Minority voter advocates like Andrew Hernández of the Southwest Voter Education and Registration Project, say districts like the one challenged in this case only came about after a long-time pattern of racially polarized voting was established, preventing the election of minority representatives. 26 new Black or Latino majority districts created under the Voting Rights Act could be in jeopardy if the high court accepts that North Carolina's redistricting plan established a racial quota. An announcement of President Clinton's healthcare plan is expected soon. Among the many questions surfacing about the plan is whether it will include coverage for undocumented immigrants. Reportedly, many members of the President's Health Care Task Force do favor undocumented healthcare coverage for public health reasons. But First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton has been quoted as saying undocumented immigrants would not be covered. I'm María Martin. You're listening to Latino USA.

It's been two years since disturbances broke out in Washington DC's Mount Pleasant neighborhood, where most of the city's Latino population lives. At the time, Latino leaders blamed the violent outburst on neglect by the local city government of Hispanic residents. In the past 10 years, Washington DC's Latino community, mostly Central American, has grown rapidly. Since the violence of two years ago, the DC government has taken action to address community concerns, but Latino leaders say there's still much more to be done. From Washington, William Troop prepared this report.

[Transitional music]

A music vendor sets up shop at the corner of Mount Pleasant and Lamont Street, the heart of Washington's Latino community. He's one of at least a dozen Latino merchants doing business near Parque de las Palomas, a small triangular park at the end of a city bus line.

[Transitional music]

[Helicopter sounds]

Just two years ago, the worst riots the nation's capital had seen in over 20 years started right here. On May 4th, 1991, Daniel Gómez, a Salvadoran immigrant, was stopped by an African American police officer for drinking in public. There are differing accounts about what happened next. Police say Gómez launched at the rookie officer who shot him in self-defense, but many Latinos heard a different version, one that said Gómez was shot after being harassed and handcuffed by the officer. Gómez was seriously wounded and as news of the incident spread, outrage poured from the community.

…sangre fría frente a demasiados latinos. Eso no lo llevan todos porque en realidad esta es una comunidad latina. ¿Me entienden? y la discriminación ha ido tan lejos de que si alguien…

During the riots, these men looted a 7-Eleven store because they were angry at police for mistreating Latinos. The looting and burning in Mount Pleasant lasted three days. To calm people down, DC Mayor Sharon Pratt Kelly arrived on the scene and promised to address Latino concerns as soon as the violence ended. It was a victory of sorts. Latino leaders had long complained that city officials ignored charges of discrimination and police brutality. The riots changed that.

To a certain degree, we had the best disturbance that we could have ever had. Although you had the destruction of public property, you had the destruction of private property, you had some injuries, nobody was killed. And overnight…Latinos were an issue in Washington DC.

Juan Milanés was a law student at the time. Today, he is legal counsel for the Latino Civil Rights Task Force, an organization created after the disturbances in Mount Pleasant.

Prior to May 5th, 1991, the Latino population of Washington DC, although it was 10% of the population, was unrecognized…just invisible…just a bunch of people who get on the bus in the evening to go clean buildings, but you know... There are just a few people here and there. Most of them are illegal anyway. Suddenly, we're there and there was now this group of people that were demanding that they be there.

A few months after the riots, the Latino Civil Rights Task Force issued a blueprint for action, detailing 200 specific steps the city could take to address Latino concerns. Task Force executive director Pedro Aviles says the city has not done enough to stop discrimination and police insensitivity.

The problems have not been solved yet. The police brutality cases, they continue. Certainly, the fact that we've been complaining, and we've been shaking the tree kind of thing…it's brought about little change, but I would say that it's a lot of stuff that needs to be done.

What has been done has been done slowly according to task force officials. One example, the city hired bilingual 911 operators a year and a half after the task force recommended it and only after a Latina who had been raped had to wait two hours for assistance in Spanish. Carmen Ramírez, director of the Mayor's Office on Latino Affairs, says the city has taken significant steps to address community concerns.

The recommendations, in many instances, are not recommendations that can just be met by one concrete action, although some of them are, but rather, it's a matter of putting into place policies and in many instances, mechanisms by which problems can continue to be addressed.

To do that, the city has created bilingual positions in almost all departments of DC government. Ramírez adds that DC's police department has hired more bilingual personnel and sent hundreds of police officers to Spanish classes and sensitivity training. But last year, Latino leaders complained they were excluded from developing the initial sensitivity training program and they say there are still plenty of police brutality cases. In January, the US Commission on Civil Rights agreed when it issued its report on the Mount Pleasant disturbances. Commission Chair Arthur Fletcher called the plight of Latinos in DC appalling.

Many Latinos in the third district have been subjected to arbitrary harassments, unwarranted arrests, and even physical abuse by DC police officers.

The commission also found that the District of Columbia still shuts off Latinos from basic services because it lacks bilingual personnel. Many DC Latinos feel that in a city dominated by African Americans, it's often hard to get a fair distribution of resources. BB Otero is chair of the Latino Civil Rights Task Force.

There is a prevalent feeling among the African American community, not just the leadership but the community at large that says, “we've struggled hard to get where we are, to have control of some resources in the city to begin to play a powerful role in the community.” And its um…“if we open it up to someone else, we may be giving something up.”

They still wanted them to be citizens of their own country and not registered to vote in the United States and still have the same measure of power and the same measure of participation as somebody who was a citizen. That, in my view, is a naive expectation and certainly is not something that the civil rights movement ever talked about.

African American council member Frank Smith represents Ward 1, the area where most DC Latinos live. He says, the struggle for civil rights is about citizenship and voting.

I think that the Hispanic community has got to work harder at getting their people registered to vote. If they want to win elections, they're going to have to get people registered to vote and get them out to the ballot boxes on election day in order to win. Nobody's going to roll over and give up one of these seats.

Civic activity comes once you have gained some sense of security of where you are or where you live. You still have a community that doesn't have that sense of security.

Over half of Washington's estimated 60,000 Latinos are undocumented, many of whom have fled war and unrest in El Salvador and most recently, Guatemala. BB Otero who ran unsuccessfully for a school board seat last fall says she's hopeful a Latino political base will develop as time goes by and as the community matures.

If they can survive the struggle that it is to be able to fight the odds basically and build that political base, then we will see, I think by '96, some other candidates in other areas beyond myself.

[Transitional music]

Change, however slow some may consider it, seems to be happening at Parque de las Palomas, where the disturbances erupted two years ago. There are now more Latino officers walking the beat. Merchant José Valdezar says, even those stopped for drinking in public are now treated with respect by police.

First, they say hello to you, and I start to speak and they explain to you what's going on. Sometime, the person who own any store around here say, you know, they don't like drunk people around here. You know, that's why they say no. Just keep walking and everything will be okay.

[Transitional music]

Daniel Gómez, whose shooting sparked the disturbances in Mount Pleasant two years ago, recovered from his wounds and was later acquitted of assaulting the police officer who shot him. For Latino USA. I'm William Troop reporting from Washington DC.

[Crowd chanting]

Many Latinos from across the country were among the hundreds of thousands of gays and lesbians who recently converged on Washington, D.C. They gathered in the nation's capital to celebrate their identities and demand lesbian and gay rights. In the wake of that event, Mandalit del Barco in New York spoke with several gay and lesbian Latino activists, and she prepared this report.

It's very, very difficult just to be lesbian or gay and be Latino, but I guess that at the same time, it's very beautiful.

Gay activists like Hector Seda are becoming more politically active, out there proclaiming their identities and working on issues like AIDS and equal rights. Seda is a board member of LLEGO, a national organization of lesbian and gay Latinos. He sees in this country and in Latin America an emerging political force.

It's beginning. It's happening in Puerto Rico. It's happening in general, all…I mean, it's happening in this country right now. Everybody, us, general Latinos and gays in this country, we're fighting for basic human rights.

We also have to be ready for the backlash because with visibility, there comes a very strong backlash, and usually, it's very violent.

Juan Méndez is a gay Puerto Rican who documents cases of gay bashing for the New York City Gay and Lesbian Anti-Violence Project. Méndez rejects the stereotype that Latinos traditionally have more difficulty acknowledging homosexuality than do other cultures.

Homophobia is not any more or any less than in any other community, and I think that when people start talking about the taboos and machismo, you know, and things that, really, we have a very…I would call it a racist slant or context, because, you know, I don't see any other culture that has it any different.

Many gay Latinos, like Méndez, believe that the issues important to them are not necessarily reflected in the agenda of the gay movement as a whole. For instance, he says, the issue of including gays in the military was declared an issue by white gay activists.

I, as a gay person, have no interest in being part of a military core that has invaded not only my country, but has also supported dictatorships, right-wing dictatorships in many Latin American countries, and no one in the gay and lesbian community has stopped to think about what this means for non-white lesbians and gays.

The emphasis on this issue also bothers Terry, a New York City lesbian who declined to give her last name for fear of alienating her Cuban abuelita, her grandmother. She says that when she was at the march in Washington, she was so offended that she found herself booing when they called out the names of gay military men.

Clearly, I see that the mainstream gay and lesbian movement has become more and more focused on their primary desire is to be regular Americans. That is what is happening in this gays and the military thing. They want the right to be regular Americans. Well, we're not regular Americans, no matter what we do, so I don't fit into that agenda, and I don't want to, and I never would, even if I tried.

These activists say that while some differences exist over so-called gay and lesbian issues, what is important is for lesbian and gay Latinos to develop their own unique political agendas, and not only within gay political circles, says Méndez.

We have to fight within the gay and lesbian community at large for our issues as Latinos, but we cannot forget to fight within our Latino community at large for our issues as gay and lesbian people.

For Latino USA, I'm Mandalit del Barco in New York.

This is news from Latino USA. I'm María Martin. Proceedings have begun in San Francisco for the administrative discharge of Army Sergeant José Zuniga, the 1993 Sixth-Army Soldier of the Year and a decorated Gulf War hero. Zuniga recently announced he was gay. Franc Contreras has this report.

Zuniga disclosed his sexual orientation at April's Gay and Lesbian March in Washington, knowing he might jeopardize his own future in the military. He says he made the announcement because his exemplary record and achievements would enlighten those who oppose gays in the military. Army personnel would not comment on Zuniga's case, saying only that he has been processed for administrative discharge. The outcome depends on President Clinton's decision on the gay military ban. Regardless of his personal fate, Sergeant Zuniga says he hopes his action will encourage other distinguished gay and lesbian soldiers to reveal their orientation. For Latino USA, this is Franc Contreras.

The Congressional Hispanic Caucus is calling for the ouster of a federal judge in Florida. From Washington, Patricia Guadalupe has more.

Congressman Frank Tejeda, a Democrat from Texas, says Federal Judge Alexander Paskay made racist remarks in his Florida court. During a bankruptcy hearing in Tampa, Paskay reportedly referred to a South Texas Hispanic lawyer as "Speedy Gonzalez." He also asked if his clients were part of a Colombian cocaine cartel. Representative Tejeda successfully asked congressional Hispanic members to join in pushing for Judge Paskay's removal.

People go to court seeking justice and they expect the…the judge to be very honest and objective and neutral.

Under law, a federal judge can be removed by misconduct but only by his supervisor, the chief judge. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

You're listening to Latino USA.

This audio essay with music by The Latin Alliance was produced by Beto Argos in Boulder, Colorado, along with Guillermo Gomez-Pena, Yareli Arizmendi, and Sergio Arau.

This is news from Latino USA. I'm Maria Martin. An association of Latino attorneys is lobbying the President to name a Hispanic to the nation's highest court. From Miami, Emilio San Pedro reports.

The Latino community is the second largest and fastest-growing minority group in the United States, but a Latino has never served on the United States Supreme Court. That's the premise on which the Hispanic National Bar Association, the HNBA, based its campaign to President Bill Clinton to appoint a Latino to the Supreme Court. HNBA National President Carlos Ortiz says that not only is it important to have a Latino on the Supreme Court for the sake of equal representation, but also, he says a qualified Latino Justice could bring a unique perspective to the court.

We feel that with a new perspective on that court, that the arguments that could be made by and between the judges that have to make them in order to arrive at a decision that will impact upon the 250 million Americans that have to follow the Supreme Court's law, that Hispanics can greatly contribute to the development of that new law, and then the administration of justice.

The short list of seven potential nominees was presented to President Clinton on March 21st. They include Joseph Baca, a Justice on the New Mexico Supreme Court, Texas Attorney General Don Morales, and Wilmer Martinez, former President and General Counsel of MALDAEF, the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund. For Latino USA, I'm Emilio San Pedro.

13 years of English-only in increasingly Spanish-speaking Dade County, Florida have come to an end. An amendment prohibiting the use of Spanish in county government was repealed after a noisy five-hour hearing that had opposing sides singing "God Bless America" and the Cuban National Anthem. With the repeal of the English-only amendment, information about AIDS, child abuse, and transportation will be available in Spanish, and Dade County can hire Spanish language interpreters.

A Hispanic coalition has issued a report card grading President Clinton's appointment of high-level Latinos to his administration. As Patricia Guadalupe reports from Washington, the President earned high marks in some departments, low marks in others.

The National Hispanic Leadership Agenda, a coalition of 28 Latino agencies, examined President Clinton's first 100 days. They found that only 16 Hispanics have been appointed to top White House and Cabinet posts. That is less than 5% of all positions available. Four departments; Agriculture, Labor, State, and Veteran Affairs, received an F for having no Hispanics in positions requiring Senate confirmation. The National Hispanic Leadership Agenda applauded the appointments of cabinet secretaries Henry Cisneros and Federico Pena. Still, coalition Director Frank Newton said the overall picture for Hispanics was disappointing. For it's high-level Hispanic appointments, the coalition gave the Clinton Administration an overall grade of C-. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

[background music] I'm Maria Hinojosa. The word "alien" writes New York Times columnist, AM Rosenthal, "Should be saved for creatures that jump out of bellies at movies." In a recent column, Rosenthal recalls how he came to this country without immigration papers as a child, along with this Russian-born father. He remembers how much he detested to hear himself referred to as an alien. Like Rosenthal, many Latinos find the use of the label "illegal alien" offensive, as offensive as the word "wetback" was to an earlier generation.

[background music] Producer Betto Arcos, along with Mexican performance artist, Guillermo Gomez-Pena, actress Yareli Arizmendi, and rock musician Sergio Arau, have given some though to the use of these labels. “Ahi Les Va Un audio essay.” Here's their audio essay.

Do you remember the little song we learned yesterday?

Yes, I remember.

Let's sing it.

Okay. (singing).

One little, two little, three little aliens. Four little, five little, six little aliens. Seven little, eight little, nine little aliens.

[recorded voice] To find out how to report illegal aliens or employers of illegal aliens, dial six now. [beep]

Alien nation. Alien nation. Alien action. Alien native. Alguein-ated. Alien hatred. Aliens out there. Hay alguien out there. Aliens the movie. Aliens the album. Cowboys versus aliens. Bikers versus aliens. Hippies versus aliens. The wetback from Mars. The Mexican transformer and his radioactive torta. The Conquest of Tenochtitlan by Spielberg. The Reconquest of Aztlán by Monte Python. The brown wave versus the microwave.

It is estimated that there are approximately six million undocumented or illegal aliens living and working in the United States at this time.

Sergio is an illegal. Guillermo is a wetback. Is Sergio a wetback?

No, Sergio is not a wetback. Sergio is an illegal. Guillermo is a wetback.

Good.

I am, therefore, I cross. My rationale for crossing is simple, survival plus dignity equals migration minus memory.

[Recorded Sound] Come in Border Patrol. Border Patrol. I'm in Chopper One. [Sounds of breathing] I need help. I need assistance. I need assistance. [inaudible 000919]. [Hip-hop music] Come in, come in Border Patrol, please. Come in. We need assistance.

[Hip-Hop Music] The helicopter flies like an eagle. Made it to the other side now. We're illegal.

Latino voters in New York could be a key force in that city's upcoming mayoral race. That's what recent polls say, as Latino USA's Mandalit del Barco reports.

A New York Times WCBS poll shows more than 1200 Latino voters giving Mayor David Dinkins a 40% approval rating. They were split in their support between Dinkins and a Republican challenger, Rudolph Giuliani. But analysts say the results prove a growing political power in the city where one of every four New Yorkers is Latino. Another survey by the Hispanic Federation of New York City shows Latinos don't think the mayor's doing a good job, but if the election were held today, they would vote for Dinkins. In the last election, Dinkins got about 70% of the Latino vote. Some say that's because Latinos here believe they shared a political agenda with the city's first African-American mayor. The poll shows continued support for the mayor with a warning that the quality of life must improve for Latinos in the city. The picture that emerged from the thousand Latinos polled was one of anger and despair about discrimination, education, the economy, crime, and drugs. For Latino USA, I'm Mandalit del Barco in New York.

We're doing a survey to find out how people feel about the repeal of the anti-bilingual ordinance, making Dade County bilingual again.

Estamos de acuerdo con esa ley de que sea bilingüe, no?

Why should we have to learn two languages where we stay here in America?

60% of the county speak Spanish, so yeah, I approve it.

Yo cuando comenzó la le ese estaba trabajando…

I remember when the law began and I was working, speaking Spanish with a coworker and some people came over and told me it was absolutely forbidden to speak Spanish.

From my understanding, is that I think it would probably better if anything because the government's going to be understood by more people.

And in case of a hurricane or something, these people got to know where to go, what to do.

I'm Maria Hinojosa. You've been listening to a sampling of opinions from Miami about the recent repeal of a 13-year-old English-only law, which prohibited the official use of Spanish in Dade County. The law was enacted in 1980 in the wake of the Maria boat lift from Cuba and the arrival of thousands of Haitian refugees. One observer said the repeal of the English-only amendment signals a new era of bilingualism and bi-culturalism in South Florida.

With us to speak about, if indeed this is a new era, and what it symbolizes, are Ivan Roman, a staff writer with El Nuevo Herald, Nancy San Martin, a general assignment reporter for the Sun-Sentinel, and Emilio San Pedro of WLRN Radio and a Miami correspondent for Latino USA. Welcome to all of you and muchos gracias, thank you for joining us. Many people are talking about this, in fact, as the dawn of a new political and cultural era in South Florida. Does this, in fact, set the stage for a whole new political reality in that area?

It's not so much the repeal of the ordinance that's going to foster that change. I think that a lot has happened in Miami and this is just a step in the right direction. It's the first concrete example of working together in unity, if you will, from the standpoint of politicians or leaders in the community taking a certain position with this issue. I think a lot will follow.

Well, the people were saying that in fact this could, in many of the reports there were questions of whether this was going to increase ethnic divisions. What is the reality there? Is this in fact going to divide more groups? Or has this brought together the minority groups in the Miami area to say, look, if we work together, we're not a minority, we're a majority and we have political clout and can do things?

I think we can look at a combination of factors there. If we look at the new composition of the county commission, we have six Hispanics and four Blacks on it. In addition, three non-Hispanic Whites, and the commission has made it clear, everyone on that commission, that they're looking towards change, they're looking towards working together. One of the ways to do it is with repealing this law.

Another thing that has happened in the last few weeks was the ending of the Black Boycott of Miami, the Black Convention Boycott. There are just a series of factors in which basically what's happening is a realization of the changes in Dade County and just getting rid of the vestiges to reflect the reality in Dade County that's been happening for the last 10 years, that it is a community with a bunch of different groups that need to work together and the leadership is finally saying, look, let's work together and let's deal with all these different vestiges that keep us apart.

Was there any one specific thing that really set the stage for these groups beginning to work together and as you say, Ivan, realizing that this is the reality in the Miami area?

I think the redistricting of the county commission and the way that the commission is set up and voted on, I think that was this very significant focal point and that was when things started to really perhaps change because of the way that the commission has changed and the diversity on the commission, as Ivan was mentioning, has made it possible for all these things to come up again, things that were had become law and were not discussed for quite a while.

People realize that to get anything done, you need a coalition. If you have six Hispanics and four Blacks and three Whites on a commission, you realize that you have to establish coalitions to get anything done. You just can't not do anything. I think another thing that happened, is the success of the boycott was finally making the leaders here realize that something needed to be done to ensure the economic health of the county, and at the same time, the hurricane I think was very helpful in making everybody realize here that everybody needed to work together to help.

What was interesting for me was that there was not only divisions on the issue of the English-only law between for example, Latinos and African Americans or Anglos, for example. We also saw heated confrontation between Latino groups. Not all Latinos wanted to repeal the English-only law.

Well, I think it's good that they can speak their own language, but I don't like to walk in a place where nobody speaks English even though I do speak Spanish and I'm Cuban.

I think you're right, that both sides had a combination of Latinos or Blacks and non-Hispanic Whites did speak on both sides of the issue, but I was at the meeting and the pro or anti-repeal folks were certainly a lot smaller. The interesting thing also was that just using Hispanics and Haitian as an example, in recent events, those two particular groups have been on opposing sides, and for the first time in recent months, you saw both facets fighting for the same thing, and that was to repeal the ordinance. I think it was clearly a demonstration of unity that had not been seen in recent months here, and I think it's a good sign.

I also think that younger generations of Hispanics here in Miami, because of increased immigration, daily immigration every day, and a strong identification of Hispanics in Dade County with their culture and with their ancestry, especially in the Cuban community, that it's much harder to have a particular Hispanic group that would be against a law that in essence attacks or sub-estimates Spanish, which is part of what they are. So, I think that, of that group that you're mentioning, I think is a very minor thing in this community.

However, in many cases, I think the discord in relation to the law that was just passed is because a lot of people don't really understand what the law really means. I mean, when you ask them, when you go out and interview them and you talk to them about it, to many people it's a matter of pride. It's a matter of defining your stake in this community. And I think for them when they talk about it, they say things like, I don't want to be forced to learn Spanish. That's one of the things I hear all the time, and I don't think the law is about forcing anyone to learn Spanish or Creole or any other languages spoken here. Also, among the Haitian community, they don't really know what role this will play in their language, Creole being also spoken or translated or, and used in county documents.

You know, it's not that the law is really going to change anything. It's not that the previous law really did anything that would change much that was of substance. It's largely symbolic. It's people trying to define what American culture is. We're still hearing all of these catchphrases about, well, people should adapt to what American culture is, and everybody's trying to define what that is. And in Dade County, people are saying, no American culture is not necessarily what you would define as American culture in the Midwest. It's reflective of different groups that are here and we all have something to contribute. So it's a redefinition of American culture, and people who don't want to define it that way and want to resist any change to what they understand as American culture, take this as a very symbolic and important issue when, in essence, practically, it really means nothing.

Thank you for joining us from Miami, Ivan Roman of El Nuevo Herald, Nancy San Martin, a general assignment reporter for the Sun-Sentinel, and Emilio San Pedro of WLRN Public Radio.

In the poverty-stricken South Bronx, a controversy has erupted over the alister of an activist Puerto Rican minister. Supporters of Episcopalian priest, Father Luis Barrios, who preaches liberation theology want him reinstated at St. Anne's Church. But his superiors say Father Barrios has gone beyond the boundaries of a good Episcopalian minister. From the South Bronx, Mandalit del Barco reports.

[Background--Sounds--Crowd chanting] Supporters of Reverend Luis Barrios have been rallying with protest songs and prayers in front of the city's episcopal cathedrals, St. John The Divine. On May 19th, the popular priest was suspended from his parish at St. Anne's Church without explanation by Episcopal Bishop Richard Green. Parishioners of the mostly working-class Puerto Rican parish are furious over Barrios's suspension from a church that's been politically active since the 1960s.

Es una injusticia y te lo que estan hacienda con el porque el padre barrio… [Translation--Dub--English]

Other priests have been doing exactly what Luis Barrios has been doing, and they have not been removed, they have not been taken out, they have not been suspended, and that's our concern that it's because he is the Puerto Rican priest at South Bronx that he's being removed.

Episcopal Bishop Richard Green, who notified Barrios of his suspension in the letter has been unavailable for comment and he reportedly refused to discuss his reasons with St. Anne's vestry, but his spokesman told the New York Times that Barrios had displayed vocational immaturity when he blessed the unions of gay couples and when he allowed a Roman Catholic priest and bishops from so-called schismatic churches to use St. Anne's. [Background--Sounds--Crowd chanting] On a recent Sunday, Barrios's supporters calling church leaders homophobic and racist rush the altar of St. Anne's Church chanting in solidarity and forcing a replacement priest to cancel mass. Meanwhile, this protest continued, Father Barrios has been waiting it out in another church, St. Mary's in Harlem. Looking back, Barrios says his troubles began in January after he delivered a sermon critical of the church.

My concern in that a particular moment in that sermon was that we talking about justice and transforming this society and the church need to play a very important role in changing society and getting into something that we call justice, but we need to start doing some cleaning inside the church. So my biggest concern, and it's still my biggest concern, is that we are in a church that is racist and homophobic, and if we are not going to deal with this, how we going to deal with the society preaching what we are not really practicing.

As a black Puerto Rican, Barrios wonders of his work for independence of the island led to his suspension, or perhaps he says it was his support for gay and lesbian rights, but being politically active is something he's always believed in, even as a child in Santurce, Puerto Rico.

The whole point was that I grew up in a church where the priest was a member of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party and at the same time a very respectful priest in the denomination. And I never saw the contradiction between politic and religion. And of course he always told me that do not believe that there is a separation between politic and religion. So I grew up with that in my mind.

Barrios is still waiting for church superiors to communicate with him directly. He also believes church leaders underestimated the impact of their action on St. Anne's worshipers.

This is a Latino Black priest. Nobody's going to do nothing or sometimes is this racism that do not let you see that this person has some capacity or some organizational skill. So they took it for granted that nothing was going to happen and said, oh God, that's very dangerous to commit that kind of stupid mistakes.

Supporters say they plan to keep the pressure on until Father Barrios gets a public apology and is reinstated. Church officials, meanwhile, still decline to comment on the case. For Latino USA, I'm Mandalit del Barco in New York.

75 year 75-year-old Rosada Vaquerano calls Barrios's suspension an injustice, saying his work has empowered the South Bronx, one of the poorest communities in the country. As a proponent of liberation theology, Barrios believes it's a church's duty to work for social justice. Besides establishing a gay and lesbian ministry, Barrios created programs for Puerto Rican political prisoners and immigrants. He helped start a needle exchange program to fight AIDS and protested a medical waste incinerator in the neighborhood. St. Anne's church runs the only soup kitchen in the South Bronx and it's the home of the Pregones Theater Company. United Methodist Reverend Eddie Lopez is one of many clergy supporting Barrios.

In New York City, a group of Dominicans, Puerto Ricans and Panamanians is forming the first ever Latino chapter of the NAACP, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. From New York, Mandalit Del Barco has more. [nat sound, music]

Discrimination was not the first worry of the Latinos who joined to form the first Hispanic chapter of the Civil Rights Organization, crime was. Reverend John Flynn, who is part of the group, says since 1989 he's presided at the funerals of more than 30 young people who have been killed in the streets of Crotona, one of the poorest communities in the country. The young people there live in despair, he says. There are no jobs and the only money they can get is in the streets selling drugs.

It was the perception that no one in high places listens to the problems of people in the Bronx that led area resident Austin Jacobs to call on his brother-in-law, Ben Chavis, the NAACP's executive director. Chavis cheered the efforts of the first Latino NAACP chapter and said he would like to expand the organization even farther into Latin American and Africa. The NAACP was founded in 1909 to fight discrimination and to empower people on a grassroots level. For Latino USA, I'm Mandalit del Barco in New York.

This is Maria Hinojosa. It's estimated that in the United States alone, there may be as many as a million practitioners of the religious tradition known as Santería. The Afro-Cuban religion, whose followers turn for guidance to deities called Orishas, recently came into the spotlight when the US Supreme Court ruled that Santería's practice of sacrificing animals, such as roosters, is protected by the freedom of religion clause of the First Amendment of the US Constitution. With us from Miami to speak about that ruling and what it means to practitioners of Santería is anthropologist Mercedes Sandoval, author of several books on Santería and an expert on Afro-Cuban religions. Welcome to Latino USA, Mercedes.

Thank you very much.

Now the ritual sacrifice of animals for the Orishas or the saints was banned in the Florida city of Hialeah in 1987. What was the impact of that ban, and how do you think things are going to change with this Supreme Court ruling?

Since the very moment that the Supreme Court, for instance, has lifted that ban, it means that santerians are not going to be persecuted for sacrificing animals, and it takes that stigma out, and I hope that the authority will be more interested in persecuting real criminals than people that are practicing a religion that doesn't have to have any connotation of antisocial behavior.

Were people in fact persecuted because of practicing animal sacrifice?

Not really, but they could have. Sometimes they were arrested not only because of that ban, but because of complaints that the authorities received from different association for the defense of animals, and so, or for neighbors that were nervous. You have to have in mind that there is a lot of other repercussions outside of the actual sacrificing of animals.

Now in Spanish, the word Santería means the way of the saints, and in fact, the religion has a very holistic spiritual interpretation of human beings and their environment, their surroundings. But in fact, many misconceptions exist about Santería, that it's like a black magic or it's voodoo. How much do you think those misconceptions played into the original banning of animal sacrifice in Hialeah, and how much do those misconceptions still exist?

Well, first of all, Santería, does have a reputation. It is an African religion. A lot of the rituals are carried out in a way that is practically secret. Then, there is some reliance in magical practice, much more so than other more European type of religious systems, and therefore a lot of people go to this religious system looking for protection. And in some instances magical practices are, try to be used to protect yourself and even to attack an enemy. This is actually true. However, I believe that because it is an unknown religion, because it has an African origin, they have been misunderstood and suffered a lot of discrimination.

Do you think that the Supreme Court ruling, which basically is now protecting the sacrifice of animals under the First Amendment, the freedom of religion clause, do you think that this is going to have an impact on how people see Santería and how people see the issue of animal sacrifice in this country?

Yes, I believe that. I believe that first of all, it has a practical impact. It gets the authorities off the back of the santeros. All right? That's very important. I think it legitimizes their practices. That's what it's doing. If the supreme law of the land takes off the ban, it's legitimizing these religious practices, and then Santería will not be in any way associated with satanism. That has nothing to do with Santería.

Thank you very much, Mercedes Sandoval, who is an anthropologist and an author of several books on Santería and is an expert on Afro-Cuban religions.

Latino USA commentator, Guillermo Gómez-Peña, a recipient of the MacArthur Genius Award, is based in California. In Brownsville, Texas, a group of Chicanos and elders from Indigenous populations in the US and Mexico gathered recently for what they called the 17th Encuentro of the National Chicano Human Rights Council. The group is part of a movement which began in the 60s to help Mexican Americans reconnect with their Indigenous roots. Today, the movement is taking a new turn involving Chicanos in a spiritual reawakening foretold in ancient Indian myths, which caused them to action on human rights and the environment. From Brownsville, Lillie Rodulfo and Lucy Edwards prepared this report.

[natural sound] This weekend, council members have brought their families to camp on the grounds of the Casa de Colores. The multicultural center sits on 360 acres of prime farmland along the U.S.-Mexican border order.

[conch chell sounds] With the sound of a conch shell, a Mexican shaman, Andre Segura, calls a group to worship in a sacred dance of the Indigenous that the Aztecs have practiced for thousands of years. They also are called to reunite with the Indians of Mexico in their common struggle for equal rights. Elders like Segura say when Chicanos answer the call of the Danza, they are joining in a revival of the Indigenous spirit that is happening throughout the Americas. [Ceremony natural sounds] "This reawakening of the spiritual traditions," the elders say, "was foretold by Indian leaders centuries ago. Danzas and other Indigenous ceremonies carry a strong message of preserving the earth and all its people."

Andre Segura's Danza Conchera contains the essence of Aztec or Toltec thought in the entire worldview.

Chicano author Carlos Flores explains what happens when a Chicano worships in the sacred tradicion of the Danza.

When the Mexican-American decides to call himself a Chicano, basically what he's doing is declaring publicly that he's an Indian. In effect, what we're seeing here then is Mexican-Americans through their connection with an Indian shaman, I guess you could say, practicing the sacred.

Susana Renteria of the Austin-based PODER, People Organized in Defense of Earth and its Resources, offered passionate testimony at the conference. Her group has worked hard to focus attention on environmental racism in the Mexican-American communities in Austin.

They take toxic chemicals and inject it into Mother Earth. They inject it. It's like when you put heroin in your veins, and you're contaminating your whole blood system. That's what they're doing to Mother Earth. The water is the blood in her veins, and they're injecting these chemicals into, and they wonder why we have so much illnesses, why we have so much despair.

[meeting natural sounds] The council heard hours of testimony like this on a wide range of issues, bringing into focus everyday realities for Chicanos, such as the disproportionate number of Mexican American prisoners sentenced to die and the alarmingly high incidents of babies born in the Rio Grande Valley with incomplete or missing brains. Opata Elder Gustavo Gutierrez of Arizona, one of the founders of the council, offers this prophetic warning.

The moment that we start losing our relationship between Mother Earth and ourselves, then is when we get into all this trouble, and I think that what has happened to the people that are in power, they have the multinational corporation. They have lost their feeling about what is their relationship between the Earth, and the only thing they can think about is how to make money, and once that is the main focus, how to make money, then I feel that we're really in a lot of trouble.

[Danza natural sounds] The shaman, Andre Segura, says, "The Indigenous ceremonies that are part of every council meeting provide a spiritual foundation to unite Chicanos, as they speak out for the rights and the rights of all Indigenous."

Buscar dientro de su corazon, dientro de su-

Search your heart and soul as to how you feel about the Indigenous. The Chicano roots come from Mexico, and accepting this will unite the Chicano people.

[Singing, natual sounds] The Chicano Human Rights Council was formed in the 1980s to address the human rights violations in the southwest. The council teaches Chicanos how to document abuses that affect their community. The testimony they hear in Brownsville will be presented at international forums, such as the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. (Singing) For Latino USA, with Lucy Edwards, I'm Lily Rodulfo. (Singing)

Latino journalists continue to debate the relocation of this year's NAHJ conference from Denver to Washington. The new site was chosen because of the controversial passage of Amendment Two in Colorado, a law which allows employers to fire employees solely on the basis of sexual orientation. Betto Arcos reports.

Lesbian and gay Latino journalists and activists confronted reporters in Denver via satellite about the decision to cancel the conference scheduled for April in Colorado. Some NAHJ members from Colorado were still angry about the decision, saying it could have been more effective to fight the amendment in that state, but other members who supported the relocation defended their decision. Rosemary Arce, a TV producer in New York, said that the relocation decision served as an educational experience for the NAHJ members.

One of the problems with the debate that we had over this issue is that I think that they kept ignoring the fact that there are gay lesbian members of NAHJ that were very upset about our organization going into the state where they felt threatened, they felt under attack. And what ultimately happened, I think, is that the organization decided to respect their wishes. And it's been a good process. It's been a strengthening process for NAHJ.

Arce said that for the members to become engaged in the cause of Hispanic journalists, the organization has to commit itself to making people more politically aware. For "Latino USA," this is Beto Argos in Washington.

This is news from Latino USA. I'm Maria Martin.

It is not a perfect solution. It is not identical with some of my own goals and it certainly will not please everyone, perhaps not anyone.

As President Clinton correctly predicted, his policy on gays in the military drew mixed reaction. From the gay community, there was anger and disappointment. Letitia Gomez is with a National Latino Gay and Lesbian Alliance in Washington.

It's incredible to me that if you say you're gay and you're in the military, that that is considered sexual misconduct and you can be thrown out. I mean, who in the United States has to deal with that except gays and lesbians in the military? One Gallup poll showed that 58% of Americans do favor the compromise.

My friends, today, on the 25th anniversary of our birth, I pledge to you that the National Council of La Raza will carry on the struggle.

That's Raul Yzaguirre, president of the National Council of La Raza, the nation's largest community-based Hispanic organization. At its recent national conference in Detroit, NCLR celebrated its 25th anniversary, and as Latino USA's Vidal Guzman reports, "While many of its members believe great strides have been made for Latinos over the past 25 years, they also see challenges and struggles ahead."

The 25th annual conference of the National Council of La Raza opened with a retrospective hosted by actor Edward James Olmos.

The year is 1968, and it is a year of tragedy. First, Martin Luther King, then Bobby Kennedy are killed by assassin's bullets. For those neither black nor white, but brown. It is a momentous year. In that year, a great organization is born in Phoenix, Arizona. It was then called the Southwest County...

As I look back, and I saw the photos of the marches we were doing, we were fighting discrimination.

Ed Pastor, a founding member, went on to become the first Latino congressman from the state of Arizona.

I look back, there's a lot of stories of success that people have empowered themselves and there has been movement forward, but the irony of the whole thing is that we have a long way to go.

This was made clear with a release during the conference of a report called the State of Hispanic America. According to the survey, Latinos are more likely to be among the working poor than other Americans. In 1991, one third of Latino families living below the poverty line had at least one full-time worker. The authors say this challenges the stereotype of poor Latinos, as well for recipients. Another study released at the conference focuses on Latinos in the Midwest; up to now, a largely invisible population. John Fierro, one of the authors of the report is Director of Community Affairs at the Guadalupe Center in Kansas City, Missouri.

Well, I think overall what we've seen was Hispanics in the Midwest resemble the national scene as far as educational attainment. Both areas suffer from high dropout rates. Poverty is high, the income is basically similar, but a couple things that stand out to me is definitely the labor force participation among Hispanic females, that when you look nationally, Hispanic females rank third among blacks, whites and Hispanics. Whereas in the Midwest, they're leaders.

Everyone in attendance at this 25-year retrospective agreed great accomplishments and great strides have been achieved. However, they also felt that many of the original problems that the council began to tackle in the sixties have still not disappeared, but they left the conference feeling the 90s will provide many opportunities for continued progress. NCRL president Raul Yzaguirre, echoed that sentiment.

We will win because our issues are America's issues, because ending poverty and discrimination is not only the right thing to do, it's the smart thing to do.

For Latino USA, covering the National Council of La Raza's 25th anniversary in Detroit, Michigan, I'm Vidal Guzman.

This is news from Latino USA. I'm Vidal Guzman. President Clinton's economic plan faced opposition from Republicans who called it one more democratic tax and spend plan and even from members from his own party. And as Patricia Guadalupe reports, members of the Hispanic caucus were concerned about cuts to social programs.

Democratic members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus conditioned their support of President Clinton's budget on his backing the House version, which contains more money for social programs. The Senate version virtually eliminates many of those programs. Caucus chair José Serrano of New York says Hispanic representatives are also concerned about amendments they find discriminatory.

There is a mean amendment going around that says that any dollars allocated for any program must meet a test that says if you are... You serve an undocumented alien, anywhere in any of the programs you may run as an agency that you cannot share in those dollars.

President Clinton promised the caucus he would try to include their points in the final budget version. For Latino USA, Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

The simple fact is that we must not and we will not surrender our borders to those who wish to exploit our history of compassion and justice.

At a time when polls show many Americans favoring curbs on illegal immigration President Clinton is calling for tighter controls on who can come to this country and stay legally. The President says his plan will reduce the number of undocumented immigrants and also smugglers and terrorists who take advantage of present laws and enforcement capabilities. From Washington, Patricia Guadalupe has more on the President's new immigration plan.

President Clinton's immigration initiative seek to prevent illegal entry into the United States, remove those with criminal records immediately and increase criminal penalties particularly for those who smuggle undocumented workers.

We will treat organizing a crime syndicate to smuggle aliens as a serious crime and we will increase the number of border patrol equipping and training them to be first class law enforcement officer.

To accomplish this, President Clinton is requesting an additional 172 million dollars. 32 million dollars will be directed to the immigration and naturalization service to implement a program that seeks to crack down on fraud by promptly removing those who arrive in the country without legal documents. Democratic Senator Diane Feinstein of California supports President Clinton's initiatives. Feinstein says California spends more than 300 million dollars a year on keeping foreigners in prison. She believes Clinton's new immigration initiatives address her concerns.

You've got to remove the option inmates have of doing time when they're here illegally and they're convicted of a felony, they can opt to serve in a state prison. I think they ought to go back, serve the time in their own prison of their own country.

Democratic representative Ed Pastor’s Arizona district includes 200 miles of the US Mexico border. He believes Clinton's proposals to hire and train 600 new border patrol agents will pump needed money and personnel into the border patrol department and cut down on abuse.

President Clinton said that there would be reviews of allegations when there would be abuse of civil rights, so if the president follows through with that and we have enough officers, hopefully then we won't have as many allegations of violation of civil rights.

But aside from acknowledging the need for increasing the number of border patrol agents, support from most Hispanic members of Congress for President Clinton's immigration plan was lukewarm at best. Although President Clinton publicly thanked them for their help, none were present at the plan's announcement. Hispanic Caucus Chair Democrat, José Serrano of New York said he worried expediting asylum claims at the airport would discriminate against those who arrived with legitimate claims of persecution, but for obvious reasons have no legal papers. But Republican representative Henry Bonilla of Texas with over 600 miles of the border in his district says the United States does not pay enough attention to its own people.

Illegal aliens in this country tax our local communities in a way that's really choking them. Hospitals, schools, economy- and we need to do something about it and I'm glad that he's paying attention to this problem.

Representative Bonilla's concern, along with many in Congress is about how to pay for these immigration initiatives, and Democrats are on the same wavelength. Clinton's immigration plan will be taken up after Congress returns from the month long recess in September. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

With us on the phone to discuss the implications of these proposals are from Washington, Warren Leiden, executive director of the American Immigration Lawyers Association and from Los Angeles, Attorney Viviana Andrade, the National Director of the Immigration Rights Project of Maldive, the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund. First of all, let me ask both of you, your general impressions of the President's new immigration plan.

Well, I think that it's quite a mixed bag. I think that there are a number of proposals that have been supported and called for for some time. I like the rhetoric with which it was introduced, respect for legal immigration and New Americans, but I think in its details, some of the proposals and especially the expedited exclusion proposal will have a negative impact unless it's amended.

We are deeply troubled by the summary exclusion proceedings as well as with the increase in the number of border patrol agents unless there are improvements in civilian oversight in training of the agency and perhaps in restructuring the agency. I don't think that the president's plan really honestly addressed that. And obviously, our concern is that given this time of very precious federal resources that we ought not to be throwing good money after bad.

Let's talk a little bit more about the changes that this policy as announced by the president would make in the political asylum process.

Unfortunately, they have set a high legal standard that will return legitimate refugees to the country they came from. They employ a what's called a safe country standard. There'll be a list of countries, mostly western European countries that have some kind of refugee processing system. If your plane or ship touched at one of those countries, you can be sent back to that country without regard to whether in fact you would have a hearing or protection there. And so kind of washing our hands of you.

From my perspective and after having handled and participated in some litigation against the INS, I think that what I find the most troubling, and again, no one is going to disagree that the process needs to happen as quickly as possible. But the thing that I find most troubling as a civil rights attorney is the fact that the administration's proposal would make it impossible for us to sue them if they chose to adopt policies that completely violated their own laws. And it is the lack of those kinds of checks that I find particularly disturbing.

As you said, president Clinton's tone was very positive. He was careful to repeat several times during his presentation that he did not want to send an anti-immigrant message. However, could some of his proposals play into a larger scenario that could augment the backlash against immigrants in this country? Do you have any fears about that?

Well, I'm constantly in fear of that when the opportunist and people who are misguided target people instead of targeting laws, instead of targeting legal procedures, I become very fearful of that.

Particularly, here in California, the backlash against immigrants is extremely strong. It comes from cities that are banning day laborers who are clearly immigrant workers. It comes in the form of an increase in abuses against immigrants in the southern border in San Diego, and it's a real concern that we have here; that we ought to keep focusing on policy honestly and not on as Warren talks about, on people and on the individuals, and oftentimes it's a very daunting task.

Well, thank you very much for speaking with us, Warren Leiden of the American Immigration Lawyers Association and Viviana Andrade of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund here on Latino USA. Thank you.

More than 30 years ago after the Cuban missile crisis of 1962 and the failed US backed invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs, the United States government imposed an economic embargo of that island. Trade and travel to Cuba were prohibited under most circumstances. Under the Trading With the Enemies Act, that policy has softened and then heartened over the years. Most recently, it was tightened under legislation sponsored by Representative Robert Torricelli of New Jersey, the Cuban Democracy Act. Now that policy is being challenged by a group led by several religious leaders. It's an effort known as Pastors for Peace.

I'm Sandra Levinson. I'm from New York, but I started on the Duluth route.

Joe Callahan from Minneapolis.

I’m Henry Garcia from Chicago.

Latino USA caught up with a group Pastors for Peace in Austin a few days before they defied US government policy by taking medicines, food, and other aid to the economically strapped island of Cuba.

We're taking such dangerous things as tons of powdered milk. We are taking pharmaceuticals because they are actually distilling their own pharmaceuticals out of the herbs and plants in the fields. I've seen that with my own eyes just in April. They don't even have sutures to close surgical wounds.

Like the Reverend George Hill, pastor of First Baptist Church in downtown Los Angeles. Every one of the approximately 300 people involved in the motley caravan of school buses, vans, and trucks that make up the Pastors for Peace eight caravan opposes the US economic embargo of Cuba. So much so that they refuse to obtain the license the Custom Bureau requires in order to ship anything to that island.

We refuse to ask for a license. We refuse to accept the license if the government extends one to us. Our license is really our command from God to feed the hungry, to give clothes to those who are naked, to visit those in prison, to give a cup of cold water. We must do this to the least and even to those with whom we may have differences.

The Reverend Lucius Walker of the Salvation Baptist Church in Brooklyn is the founder of Pastors for Peace. His stand on Cuba has not made him very popular among those opposed to the government of Fidel Castro. And he says he's received a number of threats.

Telephone calls to my office, threatening to come over with a pistol and take care of me.

Still. Walker insists he is not engaging in politics, only in the highest tradition of religious principles and civil disobedience.

Of Jesus Christ, of Martin Luther King, of Gandhi, and all of those who are the good examples of what it takes to make social progress in a world that if left to its own devices could be a very ugly place to live.

[Music] About 30 members of the Pastors for Peace Group sit around a television three days before they're set to rendezvous with more caravan members to cross the border at Laredo. They're watching a video about how the animosity between the governments of Cuba and this country have separated families for as long as 30 years.

No quiero vivir allá, no me gusta vivir allá. Pero me gusta vivir aquí, pero quiero ver a mi hermana, y a mis sobrinos que nacieron allá. Que son familia, que son sangre. [Translation: I don’t want to live there, I don’t like living there. I like living here, but I want to see my sister, and my nephews that were born over there. They are family, they are blood.]

I grew up myself with my family always saying, you know, that the only way to get out is to go to US to have a better life, to live like normal people, to wear jeans, to eat gum, chew gum. It's like very idiotic things to think of when I live here now, and you know, I have to learn the language.

Elisa Ruiz Zamora was born in Cuba. She came to this country with her family when she was 18. She's now a young mother and student making her life here in the States. But when she heard about the caravan of aid to Cuba, she brought her family down to meet with a group. Her mother, brother, and grandfather are still on the island and she hopes some of the caravan's aid gets to them. It's amazing, she says, to see Americans get together to help another nation, one their government has told them is a dangerous enemy.

Tell the opposite to their government. The government's like to me, it's like they want to be the judges of the world. Say, what should happen here? What shouldn't happen, how Cubans should live their lives. And we have a mind of our own and we always have. There's...

The Clinton administration has so far given little indication that it's ready to lift the blockade on Cuba. During his election campaign, Mr. Clinton received considerable support from anti-Castro organizations like the Cuban American National Foundation, but with the easing of telephone communications with the island, some now believe there might be a small window of possible change on other fronts. Sandra Levinson is the director of the Center for Cuban Studies in New York.

They are looking, I think, in Washington for a way to change policy, which does not really give anything to Cuba. Of course, we will never do that, but will ease the tension somewhat, perhaps make it possible for more people to travel legally to Cuba. Make it possible for AT&T to put down some new telephone lines and perhaps give some of the 80 million dollars in escrow, which is accrued for Cuba to the nation, which so desperately needs that money. They don't care how much they have to pay for a telephone call. They want to talk to their mama.

As this program went to air, most of the Pastors for Peace caravan had been able to get across the border, except for two school buses and a few other vehicles. Among the drivers of those vehicles was the delegation leader, the Reverend Lucius Walker, who in the non-violent tradition of Gandhi and Martin Luther King, began a hunger strike in protest. For Latino USA, I'm Maria Martin reporting.

I'm Maria Hinojosa. Today on Latino USA, remembering a 20-year-old case of police misconduct.

Santos is a symbol of what was happening to the Mexican-American community and the African-American community back in 1973. It can never happen again. It's like those bumper stickers: Remember Santos, nunca mas. Because there were a lot of other Santos' all throughout the United States. There's a lot of other Rodney Kings.

And the musical legacy of Cachao, the creator of the Mambo.

Cachao has been, in a sense, overlooked for his contributions musically to the world of music. Musicians know of him and anyone would say, "Oh, he's the master," but in terms of the general public, he's been really ignored.

That's all coming up on Latino USA. But first, las noticias.

US Senator Barbara Boxer of California is defending her controversial proposal to have the National Guard patrol the US-Mexico border. Boxer says her suggestion is meant to limit the backlash against legal immigration by using the troops to deter undocumented immigrants. Boxer's suggestion is being heavily criticized by many Hispanic officials in California, and another immigration-related proposal came under fire in Washington.

It's not going to accomplish anything in keeping people from crossing the border. It'll simply prevent them from wanting to come over to buy American goods.

That's California Congresswoman Lucille Roybal-Allard reacting to Senator Diane Feinstein's proposal to charge a fee for crossing the border as a way to pay for more border patrol agents. At a hearing in Congress, some experts warn such a fee might cause even longer delays at the border and perhaps difficulties with the governments of Mexico and Canada. Larry Francis is the mayor of El Paso, Texas.

Any kind of fee will cause Mexican nationals to cross the Rio Grande illegally, worsening our problem. Over a broader view, any attempt to reduce the flow of people will have an economic impact on both countries.

The Immigration and Naturalization Service also expressed concerns about the border-crossing fee.

The incident that happened 20 years ago with Santos Rodriguez certainly cast a shadow or a cloud over the city of Dallas.

Santos is a symbol, a symbol of what was happening to the Mexican-American community and the African-American community back in 1973.

20 years ago this summer, a 12-year-old boy named Santos Rodriguez was killed by Dallas police officer Darrell Cain. The incident occurred after the boy and his brother were pulled from their beds in the middle of the night, accused of breaking into a soda machine at a gas station. The boys denied taking part in the robbery. Santos was killed when Officer Cain attempted to wring a confession from him by playing Russian Roulette with a loaded gun. The incident ignited protests in Chicano communities throughout the country, and recently members of the Latino community in Dallas held a full day of events to commemorate Santos' life and death.

[Background--Hymns]

A memorial service for Santos Rodriguez was held at the Santuario de Guadalupe in downtown Dallas, just south of the neighborhood called Little Mexico. Now mostly an African-American neighborhood, back in 1973 it was the heart of the Mexican barrio.

In 1973 I was 14 years old and I didn't know Santos even though I lived about three blocks from his house.

Now, a member of the Dallas City Council, Domingo Garcia recalls the early seventies when Santos was killed, as a time when minorities had absolutely no political clout in Dallas. "We were invisible Dallasites," he says. "Vulnerable to mistreatment by authorities." He himself remembers being stopped often by the police.

Being put up against the wall and pressed. What was my crime? Happened to be brown, happened to be young, happened to be on the streets, especially if it was after dark. And it wasn't like just one time, it was just common, and it wasn't just common to me, it was common to most of my friends. And so, in that type of environment, the police were seen not as the people who protected you, who were there to serve and to protect, but in essence as an occupying force. And when you see that type of relationship between a community and a police department and in a political establishment, then you see the tragic consequences of what happened to Santos Rodriguez.

We're trying to make correction within the police department. That's the reason the Latino Police Officers Association formed nearly two years ago.

Dallas Police Officer Gil Cerda, President of the Dallas Latino Police Officers Association, says that, "20 years after the death of Santos Rodriguez, there are still problems with the city police department."

20 years ago it was more blunt. Hispanic police officers would face discrimination on a daily basis. Today it's faced covert. In other words, they're not going to come out flat outright and tell you, "Hey, you know what? I don't like Hispanic officers being on the police department," but it's out there.

Dallas police spokesperson, Sandra Ortega de King says, despite two shootings of Mexican men by Dallas police officers in recent years, the relationship between the city's police department and the Latino community is better, more lenient, she says than ever before.

They are listening a little bit more to the community because the community within the Dallas area has grown. Population of the Hispanics has grown so dramatically. Just the city of Dallas is 20% Hispanic.

Councilman Garcia believes relations between the police and the Hispanic community of Dallas have come a long way since the death of Santos Rodriguez, as the Latino community has grown and slowly become a part of the city's political structure.

As a police department is diversified, we've seen that now the police department is looked on on a more favorable light. Crime has gone down and the amount of police abuses has gone down. Before Santos, police abuse was institutional and systematic. After Santos it became more sort of haphazard. What we need to learn about Santos Rodriguez's death, is that it can never happen again. It's like those bumper stickers. Remember Santos, nunca mas, because there were a lot of other Santos' all throughout the United States, there's a lot of other Rodney Kings.

City council member Domingo Garcia of Dallas, Texas.

We've just heard a report about relations between the police and Latino community in the city of Dallas, Texas. With us on the phone to address the issue from the perspective of other communities, our attorney, Juan Milanes, legal counsel for Washington DC's Latino Civil Rights task force, and from California, professor Gloria Romero, chair of the Hispanic Advisory Council for the Los Angeles Police Commission. Welcome to both of you. Is there a problem, a historical problem between the Latino community and police departments across this country, or is it just a question of isolated incidents in certain areas?

In my mind, there's no doubt that it's a national issue, and I think that if we look at Washington D.C., if we look at Miami, Florida, if we take a look at Houston or Dallas or Albuquerque, Denver, LA, San Jose; in every community, historically, the issues of tensions between police and community have arisen. And that's not only in the contemporary period, but historically within the last 50 years. We can even go back to the Zoot Suit Riots in Los Angeles. So there is a legacy I think that's present.

Why is that legacy there? What is the root of the tension between police departments and the Latino community?

I think if you want to take a look at the underlying issues of police community tensions, you're looking at not simply the police, but what police symbolize. And to me, that comes down to taking a look at perhaps an institution of society that is there to maintain what people perceive to be an unjust order. And over the last 50 years, we have seen movements to raise the quality of life, to equalize conditions between Latinos and others in this society, and in that sense, as long as you're going to find inequity in just the day-to-day living standards of people, it's not surprising to find challenges to that order, which is there to maintain.

In Washington D.C. you saw a very large influx of new immigrants, which is the predominant group of Latinos here in Washington, that the city truly just wasn't prepared to deal with because the increase in the population has been exponential when compared to any other group. So that in the last 10 years, Hispanics have doubled in size here, especially with regard to the police department. So few Hispanics and so few bilingual police officers has led to the problem of cultural clashes as well as a language barrier.

In both of your communities, there have been studies and recommendations made about how to deal with the issue of police and Latino community relations. In the aftermath what has been done to address those issues?

Well, I think on one hand we still have to look at quote, unquote the aftermath. The aftermath is more immigrant bashing than ever. In Los Angeles you're looking at the picking up just recently of skinheads accu- basically ready to bomb. It was focused on the south central African-American community, but the issues around which this aroused the greatest sentiment was around issues of Rodney King police brutality. So I think we have to look at the aftermath. There is the criminalization of the Latino that is not new. We can go back 50 years again and it's still the Frito Bandito. You still have the Latino, the Mexican, the Salvadorian as the criminal illegal alien. That's the language that's being used. So I believe that yes, in Los Angeles and nationally we had the Christopher Commission report. We've had the Colts report, we've had the Webster's report and decades before we had the McCone Commission and the Kerner reports. We have had study after study after study, and these are significant and important, but the bottom line is I will continue to take a look at, until we as a society at all levels, federal and state and local, take a look at some of the underlying complications of economic, social, political, racial inequity. We can put all the reports we want in impressive array in our library shelves, but we're not getting to the root causes and consequences of tensions in the community into which police immerse themselves.

And in Washington D.C., Juan.

Not that different. One of the things that we found when we did our investigation was that officers would compete in the third and fourth police districts, which are the police districts with the largest Hispanic populations in the District of Columbia, would compete for what was known, Officer of the Month Award. The Officer of the Month Award is based on a number of different factors, one of which is number of arrests, and one practice would be that officers would routinely go into the poorer, most immigrant sections of the Latino community and pick up individuals on disorderly conduct arrests to basically hike up their own arrest records to be able to compete for that Officer of the Month Award, and would ultimately trump up charges against anyone for anything.

Well, thank you very much for joining us on Latino USA. Attorney Juan Milanes, legal counsel for Washington D.C.'s, Latino Civil Rights Task Force, and Professor Gloria Romero, chair of the Hispanic Advisory Council for the Los Angeles Police Commission. Thanks again, for Latino USA.

In Chicago, the city's park district has rejected the gift of a statue of Puerto Rican nationalist Pedro Albizu Campos. And as Tony Sarabia reports, this has sparked protests from the city's Puerto Rican community.

For some, Pedro Albizu Campos is a hero who fought for Puerto Rico's independence, but his philosophy has many of Chicago's Puerto Ricans opposed to honoring a man who was jailed for attempting to assassinate President Harry Truman. A park district board spokesperson says the board didn't want to contribute to the community's division, so it decided not to accept the statue. Supporters are incensed the board is censoring a monument when it has never done so in the past. Chicago alderman Billy Ocasio calls the action hypocritical.

Where were they when they had to censor the Robert E. Lee statue? Where were they when they had to censor the Balbo statue? They haven't censored anything. Now they want to censor the Puerto Rican community.

Ocasio says the vote isn't the end of the issue. He and other Puerto Rican community leaders plan on taking their fight to court. For Latino USA I'm Tony Sarabia in Chicago,

Pope John Paul II made his first visit to the United States since 1987. The pontiff along with 170,000 Catholics from around the world came to celebrate World Youth Day. A commemoration of Catholicism and religious worship. American Catholic clergy are hoping that as a result of the fanfare, traditionally Catholic Latino communities will renew their interest in the church. But as Ancel Martinez reports from Denver, many Catholic parishes are confronted with apathy and a church parishioners feel is sometimes too conservative.

[Church Bells]

One parish that wants to avoid the image of state Catholicism in apathy among Catholics is our Lady of Guadalupe. It's Adobe and Brick colonial style church and courtyard is just across the railroad tracks from Denver’s sleek office buildings. The pastor just ended a three-week fast to protest gangs that dominate summer street life around here. Our Lady Guadalupe is housing, hundreds of pilgrims celebrating World Youth Day. Church Deacon Alfonso Sandoval says for Mexican Americans it should be a time for reflection.

If anything, like I say, part of their culture is their faith in going to church. I think that the presence of the Holy Father is going to be significant for the youth in the sense that they were starting to drift away, not attending mass and not attending sacraments wasn't important for them, it just was not a priority. There's a lot of other priorities going on in their lives, but with this visit, I think it'll help a lot of them just take stock of what their faith's really all about.

The Pope chose Denver as the biannual World Youth Day site because it's a relatively young city and its Hispanic population represents the fastest growing segment of the church in America. But the nearly all Anglo national conference of Catholic bishops only grasped in the 1980s how important Latinos are to the survival of the American church. Father Lorenzo Ruiz works these streets reaching out to Chicanos and Latin American immigrants.

This is an area where the American church, the Anglo-American church and the Hispanic church met. The American church took over this area and again, they were not sensitized or aware of the church already existing here, totally unaware of the fact that there was a church here and people with a different culture and different values and a different way of expressing wonderful and beautiful Catholicism.

When Mexican Americans were ignored, that's when the separations began with the traditional Catholic Church, such as the new Mexican set known as the Penitentes decades ago. And even today, evangelical churches are making inroads to a once all Catholic culture.

[Church music and signing]

The Church of Christ Elam holds thrice weekly services in the basement of the circa 1900s Methodist church in the center of Denver's Latino neighborhood. Furnishings are minimal, fold up chairs, linoleum floor, and a small stage, several teenagers sing, a few dozen followers wave their hands and clutch Bibles, Pastor Manuel Alvarez, explains Catholicism simply isn't spiritual enough for many, so they seek other faiths.

They found something that is not a religious but a new experience with God when they can talk to God and have a relationship with God, not with religious or not with that organization, but a special relationship with Jesus Christ.

The Vatican is now paying special attention to Latinos in the United States because in part of their support of conservative issues like the ban on women serving as priest and opposition to artificial birth control and abortion, but there are even schisms among Latinos. Sister Irene Muñoz works for the Denver Catholic Archdiocese Hispanic outreach program.

I know women are speaking out and saying we want a fuller role in the church in many ways, and I truly see that. I truly believe that women are called to do more than perhaps what we're doing. And I know there are many of our sisters, my sisters that are called even more into become ordained priest and they were saying, look at us, listen to us.

The challenges facing the church in its quest to resolve these issues as well as retain Catholic Hispanics will remain long after the excitement of the pope's visit to Colorado in this continent subsides. For Latino USA I'm Ancel Martinez in Denver.

We're here today as a coalition of Latinos, leaders in our community, leaders in business, and leaders in the political arena to hold Governor Wilson accountable for his recent proposals to President Clinton.

As politicians throughout the nation from Washington to Texas come up with proposals to curb illegal immigration. A coalition of Latino organizations in California warned that immigrants are fast becoming the scapegoats of bad economic times. From Los Angeles, Alberto Aguilar reports.

In just 12 hours, this week, US attorney Janet Reno, two US Senators, Governor Pete Wilson, the state Senate, and the assembly put aside other issues to promote laws against illegal immigration. The rush to legislate and castigate illegal immigration has created a great deal of concern in the Latino community, which responded with its own open letter decrying Governor Wilson's recent initiatives to strip immigrants of access to health, education, and constitutional protection.

We know well in our community that this is a historical cycle. During the depression in 1931, immigrants were made scapegoats. In 1954, immigrants were made scapegoats. During the inflationary periods of the seventies, immigrants were made scapegoats. And the 1990s, in today's recession, guess what? Immigrants are being made scapegoats.

Arturo Vargas is the vice president of the Mexican-American Legal Defense and Education Fund. MALDEF is part of the coalition who responded to what they feel is an anti-immigrant hysteria. Representing the Latino Business Association, Ed Vasquez disputes that immigrants are a public charge.

There's a hundred thousand, 100,000 Latino owned businesses in Los Angeles alone generating six and a half billion dollars in revenues every single year. For the politicians to blame the economic problems on immigrants it sends out a dangerous message. Immigrants did not take away the jobs in the defense industry. Immigrants are not taking away jobs from corporate America, bad economic policies are.

California leaders aware of the upcoming state elections strongly decry what they call scapegoating of Latinos for the sorry state of California's economy by both Republicans and Democrats. For Latinos USA, I'm Alberto Aguilar in Los Angeles.

The name Pedro Albizu Campos is a familiar one in Chicago's Puerto Rican neighborhoods. An alternative high school and a street bear the name of the Puerto Rican politician, who headed Puerto Rico's nationalist party in the first part of this century. But an effort to add one more symbol to honor Albizu Campos died recently when the Chicago City Park board voted down the donation of a bronze statue to the nationalist hero scheduled to be erected in the community's largest park. Indignant admirers of Campos say the board ignored the will of the community, but other Latinos say Campos was a controversial politician whose ideals don't deserve any more recognition. From station WBEZ in Chicago, Tony Sarabia sent this report.

The theme of the song is about a community united in an effort that is uncontainable. On a sweltering August afternoon, a throng of protestors stood on the steps of the Chicago Park District headquarters singing that and other songs as they awaited the outcome of the board's vote. Inside close to 200 people listen to community leaders who backed the effort to raise a statue in Campos's Honor. Absent however, were voices of opposition, which led many to argue that none exists. One prominent opponent however, the commissioner of the city's Human Services Department, Daniel Alvarez, says those who spoke out against Campos were intimidated with threats of violence.

Many people are afraid of talking. Many people didn't want to show up in meetings. They call me, they express opinions in the street, but they didn't want to go public.

Alvarez says only 5% of the city's Puerto Rican community support the idea of honoring a man he says relied too much on violence. Supporters however say it's more like 95% for and only five against. Pedro Albizu Campos began his fight for Puerto Rico's independence shortly after World War I. He led that Caribbean Island's only armed revolt against the US and was convicted of conspiracy to overthrow the US government. For those reasons part of Chicago's Puerto Rican community say Campos is a patriotic hero who deserves honor. Opponents argue a community that is already plagued with violence doesn't need a role model like Campos. But Magdalia Rivera, head of a Latino advocacy group in the city, counters the statue is exactly what the community needs.

It is of dire need that this community which exhibits by the way, according to the 1990 census, some of the lowest socioeconomic indicators amongst all groups within the Latino community even, needs to have its symbols. Needs to memorialize the memory of individuals who have provided models of valor.

But Alvarez says if that's the case, there are other Puerto Ricans who have done more for the island. But supporters maintain this is what the community wants. And as proof produced a petition with 3,000 signatures in favor of the statue. Chicago alderman Billy Ocasio, whose ward includes the Puerto Rican community says, "The park board has never turned down the donation of a statue."

And now here comes the statue of a Puerto Rican, one that this room here believes in. And you're saying, "No," you're saying, "No." Why is it that every time it comes down to the Puerto Rican community, you have to say no? Let me present to you that community. How many people in this room are in favor of the statue? [Cheering and applause]

But a spokesperson for the board says the commissioners had the whole community in mind when it decided not to accept the statue. And while the opposition is pleased with the board's decision supporters say their fight is far from over. They plan on taking the board to court to force them to erect the statue of Pedro Albizu Campos. For Latino USA, I'm Tony Sarabia in Chicago.

The growing backlash against immigration is leading to an increase in violence targeted at immigrants. Roberto Martinez of the American Friends Service Committee in San Diego says his organization is documenting several hate crimes each month with a number accelerating rapidly.

We're seeing a lot of cases of people who are beaten so bad that they're nearly killed. Hate crimes that's been on the increase against migrant workers and undocumented throughout the whole county, just roving gangs of whites. Some of them are organized, some not. Also, nearly beating these poor workers to death.

Martinez believes the violence is fueled by the growing number of anti-immigrant proposals being put forward by politicians. You're listening to Latino USA. Eight Cuban refugees sent back to Cuba when they shipwrecked on Mexican shores have been granted special visas to come to this country. Their repatriation had sparked protests by Cuban-Americans against Mexico. From Miami, Emilio San Pedro reports.

While the media debates the pros and cons of immigration and pollsters measure growing anti-immigrant sentiment, it's somewhat harder to measure how immigrants feel about the ongoing debate. So Latino USA went to commentator, John Guardo, who came to this country from Colombia as a young boy to get his views on the controversy.

Yo, you want to know what really burns me up? It's when I hear people talk about minorities and immigrants like we are subhuman. It's those same people who think it's our fault when bad things happen in our neighborhoods. What they don't realize is that our communities are the ones abandoned by the authorities and left to decay. To set the record straight, let me tell you a story. There once was a kid, a smart kid, who came to this country not to freeload or abuse the opportunities America had to offer, but for a more basic reason. To live with his mom. You see, earlier in his life, his parents had separated. Pops was an alcoholic who had made a habit out of beating up mom. Mom was a teenager, who after the separation, moved to the US, leaving the kid behind, sacrificing it all for a shot at a better life. Finally, time allowed for mother and son to reunite in New York City.

This story should have ended with them living happily ever after. Unfortunately, this is the real world and it didn't happen that way. I am that kid. When I put my foot on the plane, I knew it was the start of a new life. I look forward to visiting Disneyland and the Empire State Building. I had a lot of aspirations. Catching a glimpse of the Statue of Liberty just before landing gave me confidence. It reassured me that I was finally free from the family violence I left back home. But had I really escaped violence entirely? For the first few weeks after I came to this country, life was good. Living in postcard New York was how I thought it would be. That all ended when my mom ran out of places to take me and I had to face it all on my own. Armed with only intellect and friendliness, I stepped into society only to face a seemingly indestructible enemy. Prejudice.

Being nice didn't keep me from getting beat up. Being smart didn't mean anything if no one would listen. But being punched for not knowing English, that was the last straw. From then on, respect became more important than anything and the streets became my school. My mother, on the other hand, worked incessantly, pushed to exhaustion by a dream of seeing her son wear a graduation gown. Sometimes, I felt like telling her how many obstacles I was facing as a new immigrant and just because of being myself, but that would've disillusioned her and she didn't deserve that. When I turned 15, I joined a gang. It seemed like the only way out of my situation. It was like a passport to a regular life, free from being pursued by hate I didn't understand. With size came strengths, and all our voices fused into one that was heard and respected. Now, through violence, I had earned the right to be.

Being young at that time though, I was more inclined to the social aspects of gang life. Being with girls, drinking with the guys, and wilding. Walking down that path landed me in jail a couple of times, turning me into a stereotype, just another statistic. I admit that my sense of responsibility decreased by being in a gang. Instead of hanging out, I could have been studying. But that lost time was replaced by a sense of security. The acceptance given to me by my crew filled up the hole created by being rejected during my first months here. Belonging to a gang fulfilled me, but as time passed, I realized this wasn't the way either. Now that I've been here for almost 10 years, I look at other young kids who have just arrived to this country and see myself. It's a shame that a person whose only intention is to come here and do better is welcomed by prejudice, greed, and racism.

This country was built on immigration. Why is it then? And some people claim to have more rights than others. Is it a seniority thing or a freedom thing? You see, I believe if there was some sort of structure or orientation to guide immigrants when they arrive here, those who are new to this country would be able to avoid certain obstacles. Like the ones I had to confront. A good start would be an expansion in the English as a second language program to make it available to everybody, students and adults alike. Not knowing how to speak English is a problem that leads to others like difficulty in finding a job or being a target for discrimination. America is a beautiful country, full of promise and opportunity for everyone. Immigrants included. Too bad, there are those out there who tarnish its beauty with ignorance. I am John Guardo, speaking for the street.

For weeks now, residents of several Southern Arizona communities have been debating a proposal by the Border Patrol to build a series of steel walls along their border with Mexico. The final decision rests with each of the local communities. Nogales, Douglas, and Naco. Reporter Manuel La Cadia was in the community of Naco, Arizona recently where a town forum about the issue took place.

Supporters of the Border Patrol's proposal to build the wall in the border of town of Naco, Arizona sat across the room from members of Hermanos Unidos against the construction of the wall, a coalition of human rights organizations. Mary McGrath, spokesperson for Hermano Unidos expressed the group's principal concerns.

This wall is racist and I know that no one likes that word, but that's the truth. You would never see this wall on the Canadian border. The difference is the people on the other side of a Canadian border would never put up with it, and they are also usually white.

Supporting the Border Patrol's contention that the four-mile-long structure is necessary to curtail illegal immigration and keep out criminals and drug traffickers. Members of the NACO Trade Alliance agree with Border Patrol officer Steve McDonald, who has been traveling throughout communities in southern Arizona trying to gain support for the wall.

It was very high, it was very thick. People will needed a blow torch to cut through it. We feel that it is needed because of the problems of cross-border criminals in these local areas. Problems of drug trafficking through these local areas and the problems of illegal immigration coming in the United States. We as an agency are tasked with enforcing that law, these immigration laws in the United States, and we feel it is necessary to help us regain control of our borders here in the United States.

I would like to talk about his, really get away from the emotional issues of the wall and talk about the aesthetics of that wall.

The Border Patrol not only has to contend with political opposition to the wall. Outspoken citizens are concerned that the wall won't be an eyesore. Builder David Epoli of the NACO Trade Alliance.

I think that I perhaps have found a way that we could make the walls look good. In Arizona, Cactus, I started building walls that look like falling down Santa Fe style adobe walls, they're plywood plastered over. That's all it is, plywood plastered over going onto an existing fence.

Opponents of the wall are not convinced that the wall is justified no matter how refined the structure. Guadalupe Castillo member of the La Semilla Organizing Project.

To me, it would even be more offensive to have an aesthetic wall. It would be like saying the Berlin Wall looked beautiful.

To Guadalupe Castillo. There is always the danger of militarizing the border with the wall being step in that direction.

We try to put again the issue as a law enforcement one, we militarize the zone, bring more Border Patrol, bring the Marines, bring the National Guard, bring the DEA. We can pour billions of dollars as we did in Vietnam and it will not resolve the problem.

But to those who are concerned about an increasing military presence along the border, Steve McDonald, Public Affairs officer for the Border Patrol is prompt to point out the limited role of the military in this endeavor.

The military role in this is to supply the labor, the engineering expertise, and the material for the fence. The landing mat that you have seen, at the NACO Station, that the fence is going to be made out of, they are not going to be down here in a enforcement role in the United States. The military cannot enforce civilian law, so they're only going to be here to build this fence.

The Border Patrol has already built a barrier project along the border in St. Luis Rio, Colorado. In Nogales, the proposal to build the fence there was first rejected, but now the board of supervisors is reconsidering. While in Douglas, Arizona, the proposal was flatly rejected. For Latino USA, this is Manuel La Cardia in Tucson, Arizona.

The Congressional Hispanic Caucus is proposing what they call the greatest reform of bilingual education. Congressman Jose Serrano, caucus chair, says their bilingual education program would concentrate funds on poor areas and on those with high numbers of limited English-proficient students. With this bill, Latino representatives hope to improve and expand educational opportunities for Latinos and other language minorities. According to a recent poll, almost half of public school teachers say students should be required to learn English before being taught other subjects. A coalition of Latino organizations is calling for an end to what they called the racist rhetoric surrounding the debate over NAFTA, the North American Free Trade Agreement. From Washington, Patricia Guadalupe reports.

In a recent floor debate in Congress, an Ohio representative spoke out against the North American Free Trade Agreement by saying all the United States would get in return were two tons of heroin and baseball players. Others say they are against a treaty because Mexico is in their words "a pigpen." The National Hispanic Leadership Agenda, a coalition of over 20 Latino organizations, wants that to stop. They say they are putting people on notice that any racist and stereotypical comment will no longer be tolerated. MaryJo Marion, senior trade analyst at the National Council of La Raza, is a member of the coalition.

We think their statements are much like what's said about Jews in Eastern Europe. What was said about Black Americans here 20 or 40 years ago.

Marion added that the coalition is meeting with labor and political leaders about their concerns. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

What does it mean to you to be in a gang? Why are you in a gang?

Why am I in a gang?

Yes ma'am.

Cause well, ever since I was little, I've always been on my own. Ever since I was young, my parents-

Where are your parents?

They're in jail. My parents are in jail. My mom was 14 when she had me and my dad was 18. And they're in jail right now. They're doing life.

[Chicano Rap Beat]

In Los Angeles, an organization known as the Mexican Mafia is being given credit for an apparent decrease in the number of gang related drive-by shootings. Reportedly, members of that group, which had its origins in California's prisons have been meeting with Latino gangs throughout the city, calling for a halt to the violence, which has killed a growing number of innocent bystanders in Los Angeles. Some, including law enforcement officials, have criticized the involvement of the Mexican mafia, also known as La eMe. But community activist Javier Rodriguez, whose life has been personally touched by gang violence, says that before this effort is condemned, one should understand what it says about our society.

Skeptics have quickly dismissed this radical move by the Mexican mafia. The reputed prison spawned organization from California, also known as La eMe Spanish phonetic for ‘M’. They point out possible ulterior criminal motives. They may be right. Paradoxically however, the move has struck a positive cord among many community people who see the intervention as a ray of light in a seemingly endless tunnel of fear and violence. That our community may see this development with favor, should not surprise anyone. The move with all its limitations addresses the most immediate fear of those who live in terror in our community. The fear of the reckless killing of innocent bystanders, children and the elderly by wanting reckless gangsters who make our barrios their battle war zones. La eMe is only filling a void in leadership that has been unable to halt the rapidly rising spiral of gang shootings. Any move to reject La eMe's call or its benefits are irresponsible and places our community in a catch 22. Especially when the move appears to be affecting a significant portion of the Latino gangs in Southern California.

There appears to be a dramatic reduction in drive-by shootings in the eastern part of the County of Los Angeles. There is also evidence that because of La eMe's efforts, gang members are safely crossing through other gang turfs without fear of retaliation. La eMe is using a message of appealing to the pride and respect for La Raza, the Mexican people. However, it is also combined with a threat of reprisal to all those that violate the truths. It is yes, a limited call to halt the violence, denouncing drive-bys as a cowardly act of battle. It doesn't call for the end of killings or of gangs and their principles. However, that may be the source of its success. If the effort fails, it may not be because of its own limitations or because it came from the wrong elements. It will be because we as a society failed. In the end, La eMe's efforts and others like it will fail unless we begin to address the root causes of crime, gang banging and drive-bys. That is poverty, racism, and injustice. After all, let's not forget that gang proliferation and drive-bys have been concurring with [unintelligible] and its opposite. The concentration of wealth in the hands of the few during all these years of neoliberal economic policies.

[Chile sin carne--Flor de caña]

Javier Rodriguez is a community activist and media consultant in Los Angeles. His son was killed in a gang-related incident.

At a hearing on AIDS in the Latino community held recently in Los Angeles, health officials said Hispanics constitute the fastest growing segment of new AIDS cases. One out of every three people with AIDS in Los Angeles County is Latino. In the last year alone, there has been a 95% increase in the incidence of AIDS/HIV among Hispanic men. This is news from Latino USA.

The House of Representatives in Washington recently approved a bill extending unemployment benefits to millions of out of work Americans, but at the expense of legal immigrants. It was the battle the Hispanic Congressional Caucus fought and lost. From Washington, Patricia Guadalupe has more.

Members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus were angry when they found out their colleagues in the House were going to pay for the latest extension of unemployment benefits by requiring legal immigrants to wait five years instead of the usual three in order to qualify for government benefits. Although it would save the government more than $300 million, members of the Hispanic Caucus said there had to be other ways to fund the extension. Democratic representative Luis Gutierrez, Illinois.

We said, "Well, why are we changing the rules in the middle of the game and now doing this on the back of those that least can afford to do it? The disabled and then immigrant community to this country."

After heated debate, much of an antagonistic toward immigrants, the Hispanic Caucus didn't have enough votes and lost. Gutierrez says a lot of it is due to the increasing levels of bigotry and intolerance in the Congress and the rest of the country.

The immigrants in 1993 are no longer spoken of in the grand tradition of the grand mosaic of American society where each immigrant group obviously adds because of the diversity and their new strength to building America. But they are attacked and casually accused of being responsible from everything to the drug infiltration in our country to people not being able to get jobs, to the crisis in healthcare.

The bill to extend unemployment benefits is now under consideration in the Senate. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

Hundreds of sign carrying protestors marched through the streets of downtown San Diego recently protesting what they say is a growing anti-immigrant hysteria. Commentator Guillermo Gomez-Peña says it's fitting that the anti anti-immigrant march should have taken place in the city of San Diego. He recently went through an experience there that convinced him that a backlash against immigrants and perhaps against all Latinos is alive and well in San Diego.

I am the proud father of a four-year old boy, Guillermo Emiliano Gomez Hicks, who happens to be half Mexican, perfectly bilingual and blonde. He has asked me several times, "Papa, how come you are brown and I am pink?" He finally learned what that means.

My son, my ex-wife, and I were having lunch at Café Chez Odette in Hillcrest. I vaguely remember two blonde women looking intensely at us from another table. A few hours later, we were suddenly stopped by a Coronado policeman. He asked if I had been at a cafe on Fifth avenue at noon. He then spok into his radio and said, "I have the suspect." He said he was just cooperating with the San Diego Police and that all he knew was that it had something to do with a kidnapping. I understood right away that I was being accused of kidnapping my own child. For 45 minutes, my son and I were held by the Coronado policeman waiting for his San Diego colleagues to arrive. I was furious and completely devastated. I held Guillermito's hand tightly. "If the police try to take my son away from me," I thought to myself, "I will fight back with all my strength."

Guillermito kept asking me, "How come we can't go? What is happening, Papa?" And I kept on answering, "It's just a movie, don't worry." I was able to control my feelings and politely asked the police officer to let me identify myself. He agreed. Very carefully I pulled out my wallet and showed him my press card, an integral part of my Mexican survival kit in the US. The cop turned purple. "Are you a journalist?" He inquired. "Yes," I answered. I asked the policeman to explain to me why I was suspected of kidnapping my own son. He told me the following story:

At 12:10 PM the police received a 911 call from a woman who claimed that a Latino man with a mustache and a ponytail and a woman who also looked suspicious were sitting at a cafe with an Anglo boy who didn't look like he belonged to them. She said that the boy was clearly being held against his will. She emphasized the fact that I was speaking to my son in a Spanish, and despite the fact she didn't speak or understand the Spanish herself, concluded that I was trying to bribe the kid with presents and talking about taking him to Mexico. As we left the cafe, the woman and a friend of hers followed us and watched us take my son's suitcases out of his mother's car and get into the cab. They called the police again and told them that I had forced the kid into the taxi. I asked the police officer if there had been any reports of missing children that encouraged the police to believe the woman who phoned from the cafe. He said, "No." Then I asked, "How could there be a kidnapping without a report of a missing child?" He replied that, "Many foreigners kidnap kids and take them across the border. Once you cross that border, you never know."

When I finally came out of my shock, I realized that what had just happened to my son and me wasn't that strange or unusual. Everyday, thousands of "suspicious looking" Latinos in the US are victims of police harassment, civilian vigilantism, racial paranoia, and cultural misunderstanding. If I had been blonde and my kid dark, the assumption would have been quite different. "Look, how cute. He probably adopted the child." If I had been a Latina, perhaps the assumption would have been, "She's probably the nanny or the babysitter." But the deadly combination is a dark-skinned man with a blonde child. The representations of evil and innocence in the American mythos. My son Guillermito has learned a very sad lesson. His teacher told my ex-wife that since the incident, he has been omitting his father's last name when signing his drawings. He's also falling asleep wherever he goes. His tender mind is unable to understand what exactly happened and why. All he knows is that to go out with daddy can be a dangerous experience.

Commentator Guillermo Gomez-Peña is a performance artist living in Los Angeles. His new book, Warrior for Gringostroika has just been published by Gray Wolf Press.

In the majority Mexican-American City of San Antonio, more than 100 members of that city's Hispanic Police Officers Association have filed a discrimination complaint with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. From San Antonio, Linda Cuellar filed this report.

The discrimination complaint was filed at the EEOC in August by 12 Hispanic officers. In the last few days, more than a quarter of the membership of the San Antonio Hispanic Police Officers Association have added their names to the complaint. There are 1,527 uniformed police officers in San Antonio. 594 are Hispanic. The complaint alleges Mexican Americans are not recruited for the force in large enough numbers, that Hispanic officers are treated unfairly in disciplinary actions, and that they are overlooked for promotions within the San Antonio Police Department. The complaint alleges Hispanic officers are forced to work in a hostile environment according to spokesman for the Hispanic Officers Association, Jose Marquez.

We have a situation in San Antonio where Hispanic police officers are forced to listen to radio communications talking about wetbacks and spics in derogatory terms about Hispanics. Now we have a situation in San Antonio where a police officer will call for a translator by saying, "Get me a wetback to translate for this other wetback," and these are documented cases that are going on even today.

The EEOC will complete its investigation in February. San Antonio Police Department and city officials refuse to comment on the complaint, but they have defended the department's personnel practices in the past. 80% of the Hispanic officers filing the complaint have 20 years or more experience on the force. Marquez predicts the case will be taken before a federal judge in the spring.

For Latinos USA, this is Linda Cuellar in San Antonio, Texas.

This is news from Latino USA, I'm Vidal Guzmán. Latino students at Cornell University have ended a four-day sit-in of the university's administration building. The protest, which also included some African-American students, began after a Latino art display was vandalized with what the students called racist graffiti. From Syracuse, Chris Bolt filed this report.

When the piece called Burning Castle was vandalized, Latino students at Cornell saw it as an act of racism. A demonstration followed, which escalated until a group of 75 students took over the university administration building. The artwork consists of several black walls constructed at places around the campus with slogans pointing out acts of discrimination against Hispanics. Vandals defaced the work by painting swastikas on the monoliths. Students want an aggressive response from the university to stop more acts of racism. The group of protestors refused a private meeting with Cornell President Frank Rhodes, instead calling for a public discussion of this incident and hiring practices at some of the university's colleges, especially those popular with students of color. Rhodes acknowledges the concerns of the students, but says they're the same problems confronting every major school in the nation. For Latino USA, I'm Chris Bolt in Syracuse, New York.

The nation's second largest car rental agency, Avis, has been charged with employment discrimination. In a lawsuit filed by Latinos working at the company's San Francisco office, the workers claimed they were denied benefits routinely granted to non-Latino employees. From San Francisco, Isabel Alegria reports.

17 Latino drivers filed the suit in San Francisco's Superior Court saying they were the victims of constant discrimination and harassment by their supervisors over a period of three years. The workers, all immigrants, say they were threatened with firing, forced to use segregated toilets, subject to abusive language, and repeatedly required to produce verification of their immigration status. They also allege they were denied vacation time, rain gear and regular breaks. Avis has denied the charges. Representatives of both sides are meeting in an attempt to settle the case as is required in San Francisco's court system. A jury trial is scheduled to start December 13th. For Latino USA, I'm Isabel Alegria in San Francisco.

A group of Latino immigrants in the San Francisco Bay Area says the Avis Car Rental Agency is guilty of discrimination. Workers say they faced pre-civil rights era conditions at Avis, as Isabella Alegria reports.

Ramiro Hernandez, a Guatemalan immigrant and former Avis employee says he clearly remembers the incident that finally drove him and 16 other workers to sue Avis for discrimination.

Ese dia trabajamos todos tremendamente un dia… [Spanish]

Hernandez says that day a calculator was found missing from a returned rental car. Avis managers detained 15 Latinos in the lunchroom, including some who were just coming onto their shift, then they called the police. Non-Latinos were allowed to return to work

Paso como una hora detenidos en forma illegal… [English dub]

For an hour, we were held illegally, like common delinquents they held us. Us a group of responsible Avis drivers.

….resonsables como somos nosotros choferes de Avis…

Hernandez says Latinos were repeatedly accused of theft and denied benefits routinely granted other employees.

No se como sentiran ustedes que estuviera cayendo grandes aguaceros… [English dub]

During a downpour, everyone had company raincoats and boots except us and imagine how we felt when at 7:00 AM everyone else was allowed a coffee break while we kept working.

Nosotos se nos prohiban tomar café.

The immigrant workers also claim they were ordered to use a segregated toilet and sit at certain tables in the lunchroom. Avis has denied all the charges, but attorneys say the company will not comment any further while the suit is in litigation. The trial is set for December 13th. The two sides are currently trying to reach a settlement. From San Francisco, I'm Isabella Alegreia for Latino USA.

A group of dislocated Levi Strauss employees from San Antonio, Texas is intensifying its campaign for a boycott of Levi's products. The members of Fuerza Unida say they deserve better from the company, after it moved a plant to Costa Rica. From San Francisco, Chuy Varela has more.

[Background--natural sound--protest] This week, Fuerza Unida brought their campaign to San Francisco, California where Levis is headquartered to intensify pressure on the company to negotiate a fair settlement for the dislocated workers. Irene Reina is the co-coordinator of Fuerza Unida.

[Background--natural sound--protest] We know that they're very, very proud of their lily-white reputation, and that's what we're going to do, to make the public aware that they are not the progressive responsible company that they claim to be because it's obvious.

[Background--natural sound--protest] Levi's management has met twice recently with the dislocated workers, and are still willing to negotiate. But at this point, they say they feel they've gone beyond the requirements of the law to help their formers workers make the transition to other work opportunities. For Latino USA, I'm Chuy Varela in San Francisco.