Annotations for Subject-headings: Voting

The New York City school system is still looking for a replacement for ousted Chancellor Joséph Fernandez. The controversial administrator will vacate his post in June. From New York, Mandalit del Barco reports.

The New York City school system is still looking for a replacement for ousted Chancellor Joséph Fernandez. The controversial administrator will vacate his post in June. From New York, Mandalit del Barco reports.

Joséph Fernandez returned to the city where he was born three years ago, vowing to turn around the nation's largest school system. In the end, it was his controversial reforms that put him at odds with his own board of education. His support for social issues created controversy, especially his programs to distribute condoms to high school students and his curriculum to teach respect for gays and lesbians. Fernandez had these words after a meeting in which board members voted not to renew his contract.

Joséph Fernandez returned to the city where he was born three years ago, vowing to turn around the nation's largest school system. In the end, it was his controversial reforms that put him at odds with his own board of education. His support for social issues created controversy, especially his programs to distribute condoms to high school students and his curriculum to teach respect for gays and lesbians. Fernandez had these words after a meeting in which board members voted not to renew his contract.

Some of my detractors have said, “Well, you didn't have to get into these issues of HIV AIDS…You didn't have to get into these issues of tolerance and bias program.” And that's a part of a… major part of educating our kids. I wouldn't have done it differently.

Some of my detractors have said, “Well, you didn't have to get into these issues of HIV AIDS…You didn't have to get into these issues of tolerance and bias program.” And that's a part of a… major part of educating our kids. I wouldn't have done it differently.

In a recently published autobiography, Fernandez details his years as a heroin addict and a gang member who went on to become a teacher and later Miami School superintendent. He also criticized New York's governor and mayor for not spending enough on education. Unless New York City's Board of Education reverses itself or is restructured, Fernandez's contract ends in June. For Latino USA, Mandalit del Barco in New York.

In a recently published autobiography, Fernandez details his years as a heroin addict and a gang member who went on to become a teacher and later Miami School superintendent. He also criticized New York's governor and mayor for not spending enough on education. Unless New York City's Board of Education reverses itself or is restructured, Fernandez's contract ends in June. For Latino USA, Mandalit del Barco in New York.

A case which challenges minority-based redistricting is now before the US Supreme Court. The case involves a majority African American district in North Carolina, which was redrawn to ensure a Black majority. Five white voters in the district challenged the redistricting plan, arguing it goes against the principle of a colorblind constitution.

Without the [unintelligible], we would not see the progress we've seen in minority voter participation. What this would do if it were to prevail, it would be a major step backward. It would shut people out again.

Minority voter advocates like Andrew Hernández of the Southwest Voter Education and Registration Project, say districts like the one challenged in this case only came about after a long-time pattern of racially polarized voting was established, preventing the election of minority representatives. 26 new Black or Latino majority districts created under the Voting Rights Act could be in jeopardy if the high court accepts that North Carolina's redistricting plan established a racial quota. An announcement of President Clinton's healthcare plan is expected soon. Among the many questions surfacing about the plan is whether it will include coverage for undocumented immigrants. Reportedly, many members of the President's Health Care Task Force do favor undocumented healthcare coverage for public health reasons. But First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton has been quoted as saying undocumented immigrants would not be covered. I'm María Martin. You're listening to Latino USA.

It's been two years since disturbances broke out in Washington DC's Mount Pleasant neighborhood, where most of the city's Latino population lives. At the time, Latino leaders blamed the violent outburst on neglect by the local city government of Hispanic residents. In the past 10 years, Washington DC's Latino community, mostly Central American, has grown rapidly. Since the violence of two years ago, the DC government has taken action to address community concerns, but Latino leaders say there's still much more to be done. From Washington, William Troop prepared this report.

[Transitional music]

A music vendor sets up shop at the corner of Mount Pleasant and Lamont Street, the heart of Washington's Latino community. He's one of at least a dozen Latino merchants doing business near Parque de las Palomas, a small triangular park at the end of a city bus line.

[Transitional music]

[Helicopter sounds]

Just two years ago, the worst riots the nation's capital had seen in over 20 years started right here. On May 4th, 1991, Daniel Gómez, a Salvadoran immigrant, was stopped by an African American police officer for drinking in public. There are differing accounts about what happened next. Police say Gómez launched at the rookie officer who shot him in self-defense, but many Latinos heard a different version, one that said Gómez was shot after being harassed and handcuffed by the officer. Gómez was seriously wounded and as news of the incident spread, outrage poured from the community.

…sangre fría frente a demasiados latinos. Eso no lo llevan todos porque en realidad esta es una comunidad latina. ¿Me entienden? y la discriminación ha ido tan lejos de que si alguien…

During the riots, these men looted a 7-Eleven store because they were angry at police for mistreating Latinos. The looting and burning in Mount Pleasant lasted three days. To calm people down, DC Mayor Sharon Pratt Kelly arrived on the scene and promised to address Latino concerns as soon as the violence ended. It was a victory of sorts. Latino leaders had long complained that city officials ignored charges of discrimination and police brutality. The riots changed that.

To a certain degree, we had the best disturbance that we could have ever had. Although you had the destruction of public property, you had the destruction of private property, you had some injuries, nobody was killed. And overnight…Latinos were an issue in Washington DC.

Juan Milanés was a law student at the time. Today, he is legal counsel for the Latino Civil Rights Task Force, an organization created after the disturbances in Mount Pleasant.

Prior to May 5th, 1991, the Latino population of Washington DC, although it was 10% of the population, was unrecognized…just invisible…just a bunch of people who get on the bus in the evening to go clean buildings, but you know... There are just a few people here and there. Most of them are illegal anyway. Suddenly, we're there and there was now this group of people that were demanding that they be there.

A few months after the riots, the Latino Civil Rights Task Force issued a blueprint for action, detailing 200 specific steps the city could take to address Latino concerns. Task Force executive director Pedro Aviles says the city has not done enough to stop discrimination and police insensitivity.

The problems have not been solved yet. The police brutality cases, they continue. Certainly, the fact that we've been complaining, and we've been shaking the tree kind of thing…it's brought about little change, but I would say that it's a lot of stuff that needs to be done.

What has been done has been done slowly according to task force officials. One example, the city hired bilingual 911 operators a year and a half after the task force recommended it and only after a Latina who had been raped had to wait two hours for assistance in Spanish. Carmen Ramírez, director of the Mayor's Office on Latino Affairs, says the city has taken significant steps to address community concerns.

The recommendations, in many instances, are not recommendations that can just be met by one concrete action, although some of them are, but rather, it's a matter of putting into place policies and in many instances, mechanisms by which problems can continue to be addressed.

To do that, the city has created bilingual positions in almost all departments of DC government. Ramírez adds that DC's police department has hired more bilingual personnel and sent hundreds of police officers to Spanish classes and sensitivity training. But last year, Latino leaders complained they were excluded from developing the initial sensitivity training program and they say there are still plenty of police brutality cases. In January, the US Commission on Civil Rights agreed when it issued its report on the Mount Pleasant disturbances. Commission Chair Arthur Fletcher called the plight of Latinos in DC appalling.

Many Latinos in the third district have been subjected to arbitrary harassments, unwarranted arrests, and even physical abuse by DC police officers.

The commission also found that the District of Columbia still shuts off Latinos from basic services because it lacks bilingual personnel. Many DC Latinos feel that in a city dominated by African Americans, it's often hard to get a fair distribution of resources. BB Otero is chair of the Latino Civil Rights Task Force.

There is a prevalent feeling among the African American community, not just the leadership but the community at large that says, “we've struggled hard to get where we are, to have control of some resources in the city to begin to play a powerful role in the community.” And its um…“if we open it up to someone else, we may be giving something up.”

They still wanted them to be citizens of their own country and not registered to vote in the United States and still have the same measure of power and the same measure of participation as somebody who was a citizen. That, in my view, is a naive expectation and certainly is not something that the civil rights movement ever talked about.

African American council member Frank Smith represents Ward 1, the area where most DC Latinos live. He says, the struggle for civil rights is about citizenship and voting.

I think that the Hispanic community has got to work harder at getting their people registered to vote. If they want to win elections, they're going to have to get people registered to vote and get them out to the ballot boxes on election day in order to win. Nobody's going to roll over and give up one of these seats.

Civic activity comes once you have gained some sense of security of where you are or where you live. You still have a community that doesn't have that sense of security.

Over half of Washington's estimated 60,000 Latinos are undocumented, many of whom have fled war and unrest in El Salvador and most recently, Guatemala. BB Otero who ran unsuccessfully for a school board seat last fall says she's hopeful a Latino political base will develop as time goes by and as the community matures.

If they can survive the struggle that it is to be able to fight the odds basically and build that political base, then we will see, I think by '96, some other candidates in other areas beyond myself.

[Transitional music]

Change, however slow some may consider it, seems to be happening at Parque de las Palomas, where the disturbances erupted two years ago. There are now more Latino officers walking the beat. Merchant José Valdezar says, even those stopped for drinking in public are now treated with respect by police.

First, they say hello to you, and I start to speak and they explain to you what's going on. Sometime, the person who own any store around here say, you know, they don't like drunk people around here. You know, that's why they say no. Just keep walking and everything will be okay.

[Transitional music]

Daniel Gómez, whose shooting sparked the disturbances in Mount Pleasant two years ago, recovered from his wounds and was later acquitted of assaulting the police officer who shot him. For Latino USA. I'm William Troop reporting from Washington DC.

Preparations are underway in Los Angeles for the June 8 mayoral runoff election. Chinese American councilmember Michael Woo is vying with millionaire Richard Riordan to succeed Tom Bradley as the city's top official. Only eight percent of registered Latinos voted in the April 20 primary election, and analysts say the candidates will have to work hard to inspire greater Latino participation in the upcoming mayoral race. From Los Angeles, Alberto Aguilar prepared this report.

Latino community could have turned out up to 70,000 voters very easily had candidates invested intelligently into the Latino community, but they chose not to.

Southwest Voter Registration Executive Director Richard Martínez said in Los Angeles that none of the front-runners captured the imagination of the Latino leadership nor the Latino voter.

The Latino community could not see itself in their issues. It's like looking in the mirror and seeing somebody different. So, I think the Latino community sent a message to the elected officials. "We are not for sale just because it's you. You have to show us that you care and you know us, or else, we're not going to give you our votes."

Latinos make up 10% of the city's registered voters. Their absence in this election may signal trouble for a city that is desperately trying to live with its own diversity. In Los Angeles, this is Alberto Aguilar reporting for Latino USA.

They came by the thousands to the 40-acre ranch near Delano to pay their respects to the man who had fought an entire lifetime to give dignity and more opportunity to those who picked the food on America's tables. César Chávez, founder of the United Farm Workers Union, the first successful attempt to organize agricultural workers in this country, died April 23 at age 66. In Delano, the mass procession behind Chávez's simple pine coffin was at times over two miles long, as everyone, from farmworkers to the famous, came to pay their respects.

We shall miss…we shall miss César's powerful voice. His life and its example call each of us to a higher purpose, to greater resolve, to right the wrongs, to correct the injustices that continue to plague our communities, whether it's urban or rural, industrial or agricultural. It is an honor to remember his valiant life and to recommit myself and that of my colleagues as we go forward to try to bring for our children and our children's children the vision and the dream that we share. Entonces, con su permiso…hablo poquito en Español.

[Crowd cheering]

César Chávez es mi hermano, mi amigo, mi compañero. ¡Viva la raza! ¡Viva la causa! ¡Viva César Chávez!

[Crowd cheering]

A proclamation by the President of the United States of America upon the death of César Chávez. "César Chávez came from the humbled yet proud beginnings of a migrant worker to lead those same workers in a movement that irreversibly shaped our nation and brought justice and dignity to thousands. After the Depression ..."

In 1965, I believe, or '66, we marched with César here in Delano. On the efforts to do something about publicizing the boycott and the plight of farmworkers.

He moved us in a way that has come to be known as el movimiento y la causa.

Repeat after me. Boycott grapes! Boycott grapes! Boycott grapes!

In his loving…in his loving memory, please, boycott grapes. Make sure that our children do not have to suffer the pesticides anymore. What has happened to César will happen to all of us, and may we all be as lucky as César and be able to lay our heads down, close our eyes while reading a magazine on the Aztec nation and go to sleep and end our lives in that manner. We should all be that lucky.

¡Nosotros venceremos! ¡Nosotros venceremos ahora!

The life of César Chávez, his commitment to a cause, inspired many across the country, and as thousands gathered at the memorial service in Delano, California, Diana Martínez collected these thoughts from friends and supporters of César Chávez.

Nosotros venceremos.

Whether from a celebrity, politician, or average citizen, everyone who came to pay their respect seemed to have a story about how César Chávez touched their lives.

His life was an example to people, and millions of Hispanics and millions of Americans who will never live on a farm had their lives changed by him.

Mark Grossman first met Chávez in 1969 as a student. Grossman worked summers and vacations on the grape boycott from 40 Acres, United Farm headquarters in Delano. He learned firsthand how César was always able to get people to do a little more than what they first expected. Grossman wound up working for the union for 24 years and became his press secretary and personal aide. No one, he said, worked harder than the labor leader.

No one could tell César Chávez to slow down. The man was working 20-hour days, traveling constantly. I can't count the number of times that I'd meet him at his yard…you know, at 3 o’ clock in the morning, because…at La Paz near Bakersfield, because we had to be in Sacramento or San Francisco at 11:00, and we'd spend a full day of appearances and rallies and news conferences and protests or negotiations and be back dropping him off at 3 o’ clock the next morning.

Before becoming a politician, California State Senator Art Torres also worked for the UFW. As a young man, he was inspired by his unbending principles.

I remember, one time, we were driving from…Thermal, California in 1973 and the two dogs were in the back, Boycott and Huelga, and we stopped at a gas station…and we had just come from a rally. We had collected all this money, and I said, "Well, brother, we need to pay the gas bill." He says, "You're not going to touch that money until it's accounted for, back at La Paz." I said, "But we have no money to pay for the gas." "Then you go out there and you find the money from somebody else, but you're not going to touch that money because that has to be accounted for. It's the workers' money."

Senator Robert Kennedy, Jr., says his family became more aware of the power of the Latino vote because of Chávez.

I remember in the 1980 campaign when he came to Arizona, which he didn't have to do, during a primary, when Senator Kennedy was already in bad shape in the election, but he produced hundreds of lowriders who came with him because they were devoted to him to get out the vote for us on primary election day. He went into the field, sent organizers, had them register actually in the field, and we won the state of Arizona just because of César.

My first job that César gave me when we came to Delano was to go get the money from the workers at $3.50.

Dolores Huerta was with Chávez from the very beginning. She said he always knew gaining rights for farmworkers would mean tremendous sacrifice.

I went back to César, and I said, "César, they can't afford that much money." And he said, "If they don't give that $3.50, they will never get out of their poverty.”

Father William Wood, president of the National Catholic World Life Conference, and the Reverend Jesse Jackson, say Chávez will never be forgotten.

Because of our common faith, and especially with what I see here tonight, with the face of the people, I see that that it's really true when they say "Viva César Chávez." He really does live.

Chávez was a seed sower. He planted seeds of dignity, and those seeds will keep sprouting in the heart of people. As long as farmworkers fight for a decent wage, Chávez lives. As long as they fight against the horrors of the insecticides, Chávez lives. As long as they fight for the right to vote, Chávez lives. As long as they fight to build coalition, Chávez lives.

For Latino USA, I'm Diana Martínez.

When he died, César Chávez vacated the post he had held for over 20 years as president of the United Farm Workers. Towards the end of his tenure, though, the organization was faced with much criticism over the handling of the last grape boycott and a decreasing membership of farmworkers. In naming a new president, the UFW could have chosen Dolores Huerta, the co-founder of the organization. She said it would've been symbolic but, in fact, that the Farm Workers Union needed to move forward. So last week, the torch was passed to the younger generation. Arturo Rodríguez, Chávez's son-in-law is the new UFW president. The future of the UFW was on the minds of many who gathered at the memorial service for the longtime union leader. From Delano, Alberto Aguilar reports.

[Transitional corrido music]

This retired farmworker brought his accordion to Delano to remember César Chávez. Old-timers like him have been through a lot in the last 30 years, ever since César Chávez began organizing in the fields. The corridos tell the story of the struggle to improve the lot of the most impoverished of American workers. With the passing of their leader, unionized farmworkers now turn their heads to the future. While some may say these are unsettled times for the UFW, others see it as a rebirth. Organizer Humberto Gómez said Chávez's crusade won battles on the strength of our conviction of justice in the fields and that justice is still worth fighting for.

See, what happened is, like César used to say, the UFW is not only a union; it's a social movement. We belong to the community, and the community belongs to us. So we are part of the community, and that way, we will never die. You know, it is like me…you know, I start when I was 15 years old. I got my family here marching with me, and then more farmworker kids are going to be coming, and they're going to be getting involved in this. So we will never be shrinking, we will never die because this is a good movement. This is the best movement.

Another UFW organizer says he's not concerned at the passing of Chávez or the death of the union. Bobby de la Cruz, whose father was killed in an early union-organizing drive, said Chávez prepared them for his departure.

When I went and seen his coffin, you could see his face. I mean, he died peacefully, but you could tell that the work that he wants us to do is there. And he knows that, and we know, that the commitment is even stronger now. And I think this summer, you'll see the fruit of his labor really producing because it has inspired us to say that the union is alive, the leadership that it has. I mean, we come from that school. We've been at it for 20…25 years, and we're young, we're moving ahead and moving the movement forward to where he wants us.

For a time in the '70s, farmworkers had political clout in California. They even got the governor Jerry Brown, Jr., to sign a landmark legislation establishing the Agricultural Labor Relations Board. But through two successive Republican administrations, the tide started to turn against the farmworkers. California political consultant, Richie Ross.

I think César came to conclusion, and I think the correct one, that this movement has to win on the strength of average people and not be dependent on politicians.

Was that evident to you, and how?

He hasn't had any serious communication with any politicians in a long time. They haven't done anything. I mean, he tried everything. He supported them. He did it with money, he did it with people. He's done it every way you're supposed to play. He played the game the way everyone says you're supposed to play the game. He played the game. He got the law passed. He continued to support them all. And when push came to shove, all that he could do was no match for the money of the agricultural interests in the state. And uhh…I think he came to the conclusion when he started the grape boycott the second time several years ago that they're going to have to do it the old-fashioned way.

The union has also been weakened by internal strife and dissension within the ranks. But in the wake of César Chávez's death, the disaffected and the estranged have come back. Like California Senator Art Torres, many are talking about a renewal of the UFW.

It's a healing process for all of us. And now we realize that we still have a lot of work to do, and I think his death gives us all a rebirth of where we have to recommit ourselves even stronger now to erase some of these injustices which continue in one of the richest states in the world.

The newly appointed successor to César Chávez, Arturo Rodríguez, started as a union organizer in the '70s. The Chávez lieutenant will have to deal with difficult issues like the grape boycott, the legal challenges by the growers, and the ban on toxic pesticides in the fields. Rodríguez will need the determination and daring Chávez taught his organizers. For Latino USA, this is Alberto Aguilar, reporting from Delano, California.

Latino voters in New York could be a key force in that city's upcoming mayoral race. That's what recent polls say, as Latino USA's Mandalit del Barco reports.

A New York Times WCBS poll shows more than 1200 Latino voters giving Mayor David Dinkins a 40% approval rating. They were split in their support between Dinkins and a Republican challenger, Rudolph Giuliani. But analysts say the results prove a growing political power in the city where one of every four New Yorkers is Latino. Another survey by the Hispanic Federation of New York City shows Latinos don't think the mayor's doing a good job, but if the election were held today, they would vote for Dinkins. In the last election, Dinkins got about 70% of the Latino vote. Some say that's because Latinos here believe they shared a political agenda with the city's first African-American mayor. The poll shows continued support for the mayor with a warning that the quality of life must improve for Latinos in the city. The picture that emerged from the thousand Latinos polled was one of anger and despair about discrimination, education, the economy, crime, and drugs. For Latino USA, I'm Mandalit del Barco in New York.

In New York, a veteran Latino politician has surprised that city's political establishment. Herman Badillo, Longtime democrat is endorsing the Republican mayoral candidate Rudolph Giuliani. Mandalit Del Barco reports.

As the elder statesman of New York's Latino politicians, Democrat Herman Badillo says he's hoping to attract a large Latino vote and democratic support for Republican challenger Rudolph Giuliani. Last election, Latinas were a crucial factor in electing Democrat Mayor David Dinkins, giving him two-thirds of their votes. This time, Latinos are being seen as a crucial voting block. Together, Badillo and Giuliani are calling theirs the Fusion Party, linking Liberals and Republicans. Others have called it the Confusion Party. 63 year old Badillo is the first Puerto Rican born congressman in the country. He was also the city's first Latino housing commissioner, burrow president and deputy mayor. Earlier this year, Badillo had hopes of running for mayor himself under the Democratic ticket, but he dropped out, citing his inability to raise enough money to be taken seriously.

Now in a bid for city controller, Badillo has been highly critical of Mayor Dinkins, and his endorsement of Giuliani is seen as a defection and a blow to other Democrats. So far, none of the other Latino elected officials in New York City have joined Badillo in supporting Giuliani. For Latino USA, I'm Mandalit del Barco in New York.

New Yorkers go to the polls to elect a new mayor in September. You're listening to Latino USA.

From Austin, Texas. You're listening to Latino USA. Los Angeles, California, has elected its first Republican mayor in over 30 years. While most of the city's political establishment had supported the defeated candidate, Chinese American city council member Michael Woo, some analysts predict Latinos may stand to benefit politically under the new mayor Richard Riordan. Alberto Aguilar has this report.

Latinos took a keen interest in the mayoral campaign, with most of the political leadership, including a state assemblyman Richard Polanco, county supervisor of Gloria Molina, state Senator Art Torres supporting the defeated candidate Michael Woo. Only Councilman Richard Alatorre broke with fellow Democrats to yearn Republican, Richard Riordan. Loyola University political science professor Fernando Guerra believes having a Latino political operator inside the Riordan organization might be advantageous.

If Richard Alatorre had not gone over to Riordan's campaign, that means that every single Latino elected official who did endorse one of the two candidates would've endorsed Michael Woo. This way you have somewhat of an entree to the Riordan mayoral team.

Guerra believes the costliest race in the city's history may have helped Latinos come closer to the mayor's office.

With Mayor Bradley's leadership, Blacks have been at the forefront. At the congressional level, there are now more Latinos than Blacks from LA County. At the state level, there are now more Latinos than Blacks in LA County. So that Latinos have actually surpassed, in terms of absolute numbers, Blacks. And they are now, I would say, the dominant minority group in Los Angeles politics.

Whether the new mayor will help promote Latinos, still unclear. What is obvious, according to local observers, is that allegiances were clearly visible, especially on issues of interest to Latinos, something not seen around here in a long time. For Latino USA from Los Angeles, this is Alberto Aguilar reporting.

In a narrow five-to-four decision in a case challenging the North Carolina Congressional District, which for the first time since Reconstruction has selected an African American, the US Supreme Court has ruled that minority districts drawn with widely separated boundaries may violate the rights of white voters. Reaction to the ruling by minority voting rights organizations was universally negative. Patricia Guadalupe has this report.

In a narrow five-to-four decision in a case challenging the North Carolina Congressional District, which for the first time since Reconstruction has selected an African American, the US Supreme Court has ruled that minority districts drawn with widely separated boundaries may violate the rights of white voters. Reaction to the ruling by minority voting rights organizations was universally negative. Patricia Guadalupe has this report.

Latino reaction was highly critical of the Supreme Court decision, allowing challenges to congressional districts that were specifically drawn to increase Black and Hispanic representation in Congress. Steven Carbo of the Mexican-American Legal Defense and Educational Fund in Washington DC.

Latino reaction was highly critical of the Supreme Court decision, allowing challenges to congressional districts that were specifically drawn to increase Black and Hispanic representation in Congress. Steven Carbo of the Mexican-American Legal Defense and Educational Fund in Washington DC.

It's been recognized that in order to overturn what historically has happened, that legislatures would have to be race-conscious and maximize political opportunities by creating majority-minority districts. The decision by the Supreme Court seems to question that whole framework. Frankly, if we can't be race-conscious in things like drawing majority-minority districts, then how do we make the Voting Rights Act a reality?

It's been recognized that in order to overturn what historically has happened, that legislatures would have to be race-conscious and maximize political opportunities by creating majority-minority districts. The decision by the Supreme Court seems to question that whole framework. Frankly, if we can't be race-conscious in things like drawing majority-minority districts, then how do we make the Voting Rights Act a reality?

Two of the congressional districts that could be affected by the Supreme Court decision, one in New York and one in Illinois, have a majority population of Latinos and were created only recently to represent that majority. Democratic Congressman Luis Gutierrez of Chicago represents one of the districts.

Two of the congressional districts that could be affected by the Supreme Court decision, one in New York and one in Illinois, have a majority population of Latinos and were created only recently to represent that majority. Democratic Congressman Luis Gutierrez of Chicago represents one of the districts.

It's 65% Hispanic, but only 40% of the voters are Hispanic so that non-Hispanics make up the vast majority and indeed are the single largest group. I never believe in an electoral process that you guarantee any ethnic or racial group a seat in the Congress of the United States. But you do have to guarantee us a fair and equitable opportunity.

It's 65% Hispanic, but only 40% of the voters are Hispanic so that non-Hispanics make up the vast majority and indeed are the single largest group. I never believe in an electoral process that you guarantee any ethnic or racial group a seat in the Congress of the United States. But you do have to guarantee us a fair and equitable opportunity.

Even though Latino groups said they were surprised and caught off guard, all are mounting legal fights around the country to challenge the Supreme Court decision. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

Even though Latino groups said they were surprised and caught off guard, all are mounting legal fights around the country to challenge the Supreme Court decision. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

You're listening to news from Latino USA. It may not be election time, but Democrats and Republicans are wooing Latinos. In a briefing held for the Hispanic Press in Washington, Democratic National Committee Chair, David Wilhelm announced a ‘Salud Para Todos’ campaign to win Hispanic support for the President's healthcare plan and also a major drive to increase Latino voter participation.

We are going to be very much involved in encouraging citizenship and encouraging participation among that new huge voting block.

Meanwhile, several recent press reports say it's the Republicans who are making inroads among traditionally Democratic Latino voters. Cited are results of exit polls done in November by the Southwest Voter Research Institute in San Antonio. But institute director Robert Brischetto says, the press reports misconstrue the data about Latino voter preferences.

There Certainly was a change in party identification among Latinos that showed up on our exit polls, both in California and Texas, but the shift was a decline in identification with either of the two major parties and an increase in independents. Independents more than doubled. Now about one in four Latino voters are independent.

Brischetto also says recent electoral victories by Republicans in Texas and California, Kay Bailey Hutchinson for the Senate and Richard Riordan for LA's Mayor had less to do with increased Latino support than with more Anglos coming out to vote and with greater polarization between Anglos and Latinos and other minorities along party lines.

Indeed, Latino politics is still pretty much controlled by the Democrats, but it certainly could change, and I think that it depends a lot on the extent to which the parties make an effort to run Latino candidates and address Latino Issues.

Robert Brischetto of the Southwest Voter Research Institute, I'm Maria Martin with news from Latino USA.

In Puerto Rico, Governor Pedro Rosselló has officially kicked off the campaign for the November vote on the island's political status. While the New York, Latino politicians have begun their own campaign to hold a vote in which New York Puerto Ricans could have a say in the future of their homeland. From New York City, Mandalit del Barco has more.

In November Puerto Ricans on the island will be choosing to endorse independence, continued commonwealth status, or a petition to Congress for statehood. But there are another 2.6 million Puerto Ricans on the mainland, who were born on the island or whose parents were. Many of them are in New York where Puerto Ricans are now the largest ethnic group. Organizers of the New York vote say the voices of Puerto Ricans on the mainland would significantly influence how Congress responds to the island's decision, although their votes would not be counted in the plebiscite. The vote in New York is scheduled for October 7th, 8th, and 9th. Organizers including Bronx Borough President Fernando Ferrer and city councilman Jose Rivera say they're talking to leaders in Florida, Illinois and New Jersey to urge them to have similar votes. Some Puerto Ricans on the island, however, including pro statehood governor, Pedro Rosselló oppose the so-called parallel plebiscite, but many Puerto Rican New Yorkers feel close ties to the island and they hope to play a role in what's regarded as a pivotal moment in their homelands' history. For Latino USA, I'm Mandalit del Barco in New York,

There are an estimated 2.6 million Puerto Ricans living on the US mainland, nearly as many as those who live on the island. And in the first week of October, many of those mainlanders will be voting in an unofficial plebiscite to decide the future status of Puerto Rico. Whether to become a state, stay a commonwealth, or become independent. Mandalit del Barco reports on the issue from New York and San Juan.

In New York City, television ads have begun to publicize the upcoming plebiscite for the status of Puerto Rico.

Participa. Vota. El siete, ocho y nueve de octubre. Consulta plebicitaria 93. Es tu derecho. Es tu responsabilidad.

On October 7th, 8th and 9th, New Yorkers born on the island and their voting-age children will have a chance to voice their opinions on the future of their homeland. While island officials decided against allowing mainland voters from participating in the Puerto Rican plebiscite in November, Latino political leaders in New York insist that US Puerto Ricans register their votes. Both plebiscites are non-binding and the US Congress will ultimately decide Puerto Rico's status. New York City Council Member Victor Robles is among many defending the right of onboarding Queños to vote.

I was born in Puerto Rico. When I die, whether it's New York City or Puerto Rico, I will die as a Puertorriqueño. And that's the point. And I think this election should be focusing solely on allowing the will of the people. Let the people in Puerto Rico have their elections. I haven't said they shouldn't have it, but we here in New York, like throughout the states where there's a large concentration of Puerto Ricans, do have the right to also express how we feel.

Councilman Robles and other New York Puerto Ricans say their voices will convey enormous weight on the Congress's decision. But on the island itself, there is much resistance to the idea. At the Plaza de Armas in Old San Juan, Jesus Quinoñes, says Puerto Ricans who left the island have no right to say what should happen.

No debería tener ningún dirigencia. Son puertorriqueño nostotros puertorriqueño pero realmente ellos no aportan nada bienestar de todos los puertorriqueños. O sea, no deben opinar.

Quinoñes says those who left the country shouldn't be able to give an opinion on the future of the island. But Aura Rosa Santiago, a retired journalist who lives in Arecibo, disagrees.

Bueno, sí yo creo que sí que lo puertorriqueños somos puertorriqeuños donde quiera que estemos. Sentimos por Puerto Rico. No dejamos de ser puertorriqeuño.

While some Puerto Ricans left for a better life, she says, they still have Puerto Rico in their hearts. Santiago says she would like Puerto Rico to be independent since that's the right of every people. But she fears being cut off completely from the United States will hurt the people on the island.

Otra cosa. El estado [unintelligible 0:19:30] el nombre de [unintelligble 0:19:31]. Estuvo una colonia aquí.

Sí, había una colonia.

Debates about the status of Puerto Rico are raging throughout the island, from government buildings to local bars. A group of men drinking beer outside Juniors Cafe on Calle Sebastian in San Juan talked about the pros and cons of the plebiscite, both in Puerto Rico and New York.

Look, I'm going to tell you the truth. The only people that can talk about Puerto Rico now are the people that are living here in Puerto Rico. Because he left Puerto Rico 10, 12, maybe 20 years ago, you don't know what are the problems that Puerto Rico having now? You know what everybody talks. You know what everybody let him know. You read the newspaper there.

They're not living, not the problems that we're living right now.

The problems we are living right now. That's exactly.

Jose Santiago isn't sure what he'll be voting in November. He's heard that if Puerto Rico becomes a state, many companies will leave the island because they'll have to pay workers minimum wage. He says whatever Puerto Ricans vote, the exercise is futile.

It don't mean that if the vote here says, "Yeah, statehood." No, it don't mean that. Congress and Washington DC is going to decide. The senators, the representatives, they're going to say, "Okay, we'll set Puerto Rico as a state." Otherwise their decision, our vote here don't mean nothing.

Leading archeologist, Dr. Ricardo Alegría is vocally opposed to the plebiscite, saying an international body and not Congress should decide Puerto Rico's fate. Alegría says a vote for Puerto Rico to become a state would spell disaster.

The statehood will be the end of our nationality, the end of our culture. The people who defend statehood in Puerto Rico, the government at this moment, they don't want the Puerto Ricans who live in the United States to vote in the plebiscite. And I think that they realize that the Puerto Ricans there know better than the Puerto Ricans here, what is statehood. And that's why they are afraid that they will vote against statehood because they have suffered prejudice and they know that although they vote for the president and they vote for congressmen, they don't receive the benefits that the defender of statehood here claim that we are going to receive as soon as Puerto Rico became a state of the union.

They tried to sell statehood here by putting some ads in television with packs of dollars and expressing how much money we are going to receive under statehood and that the poverty will disappear in Puerto Rico. And I have seen poverty in New York, even worse poverty than the one that we have in Puerto Rico, but for many Puerto Ricans who have never been in the States, they still have the whole idea of the United States with a lot of money. And because of that, maybe they will vote in favor of statehood.

Dr Alegría says he favors independence of the island, but he's a realist. He says most Puerto Ricans have been frightened away from voting for total autonomy through what he calls a government's campaign of fear, equating independence with an end to veterans benefits, food stamps and other aid. There are some in Puerto Rico who say the plebiscite is a waste of money, that the government would be better off spending its energy on social problems, preventing crime and AIDS.

(singing) Entre regas se encuentre el patriota. Con el arma rota de tanto dolor. Su delito es querer revivir a su patria querida.

Jose Rodriguez scrapes by with pocket change he earns by singing in the streets. He doesn't have a job and he's been living with AIDS for 10 years. He says the government never helped him, why should he bother voting in the plebiscite? Still like many Puerto Ricans, he has strong patriotic feelings. Jose Santiago cast his vote for Puerto Rico, not in the voting booth, but by singing in the streets of Viejo San Juan. [José continues singing] For Latino USA, I'm Mandalit del Barco in New York.

Puerto Ricans in New York City are going to the polls to voice their opinions on the political future of the island, now, a US commonwealth. Mandalit del Barco has more.

Like Puerto Ricans on the island, New Yorkers born in Puerto Rico, or whose parents were, are voting on whether Puerto Rico should become a state, remain a commonwealth, or choose independence. Both elections are non-binding on Congress, who will ultimately decide Puerto Rico's fate. Manny Mirabal, who heads New York City's coalition Pro Puerto Rican Participation says the outcome of the New York vote could greatly influence Congress' decision. "Depending on the outcome," he says, "Congress might be coaxed into declaring an official plebiscite."

One of the reasons we're holding this process is to ensure that there will be, to show the Congress that not only our brothers and sisters in Puerto Rico are concerned about this issue and want it resolved once or for all, but also people who actually vote and elect the Congress of the United States. 143 Congresspeople whose electoral districts have significant Puerto Rican populations, I think will get a message that they better start dealing with it.

Officially, the New York York vote has no direct connection with Puerto Rico's plebiscite in November, but New York Puerto Ricans say they too should have a voice on the future of their homeland. For Latino USA, I'm Mandalit del Barco in New York.

This is news from Latino USA. I'm Maria Martin. In an effort to gain Latino support for the North American Free Trade Agreement, the Clinton administration has thrown its support behind a border development finance project developed by Latinos. It's called the North American Development Bank, or NADBank. From Washington DC, Patricia Guadalupe has more.

The North American Development Bank is the brainchild of the Latino Consensus, a group of over 20 Hispanic organizations supporting NAFTA. Based on legislation introduced by Democratic Congressman Esteban Torres, NADBank would finance border development projects and provide economic support in communities anywhere in the United States affected by NAFTA. Both the United States and Mexico would make available from $2 to $3 billion in investment funds and provide added monies for environmental cleanup and training for workers. Congressman Torres said that without those resources, he would not have voted for NAFTA.

People fear that if the agreement is passed, American companies will close and workers will be left jobless. And for this reason, I believe it was necessary to address the legitimate fears that some communities and workers may be adversely affected. The North American Development Bank, known as NADBank, boldly addresses these fears in the most efficient and in the best cost effective manner.

Congressman Torres added that 14 undecided members of Congress, including four Hispanics, will support NAFTA, now that the financing mechanism is taken care of. The Latino Consensus says that it is intensifying its grassroots campaign around the country in support of NAFTA. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

A poll conducted by the San Antonio-based Southwest Voter Research Institute, one of the members of the Latino Consensus, finds a slight majority of registered Latino surveyed supporting NAFTA, but a large percentage remains undecided regarding the merits of free trade.

I'm Maria Hinojosa. November 2nd is election day in many places throughout the country. In California, voters will decide on a controversial initiative known as Proposition 174, a school voucher proposal, which advocates say is right in step with parents fed up with the state's troubled public schools, but which opponents call, a thinly veiled attempt to bankrupt the public education system, in which 36% of the students are Latino. Isabel Alegria has this report.

Proposition 174 would give each student $2,600 in state education funds, to use toward tuition at participating private or religious schools. Advocate Sean Walsh says, "Simply put, the voucher initiative would give parents, especially those stuck in inner city schools, the power to ensure their children get a good education."

It says, okay, here is $2,600. Walk into your principal's office with this $2,600 and say, "Mr. Principal, either you do a better job of educating my child, or I'm going to go to a school that will." And if the school does not improve, then you can say, "I'm out of here."

Opponents of the measure say, if it were that simple, Californians would be embracing Prop 174 wholeheartedly. But recent polls show they're not. Rick Ruiz is a spokesperson for the No on 174 campaign. He says one of the measure's main problems is that it would give all students a voucher, including 500,000 already enrolled in private schools. That means a drain of more than a billion dollars in public education funds to private schools over three years. Ruiz says advocates of the voucher plan are unconcerned about the effect on public schools.

They seem to be more interested in punishing the public schools than in reforming them.

Prop 174 has been rejected by many Hispanic civil rights groups, including MALDEF, LULAC and the Latino Issues Forum. Ruiz says there's no question that voters in California, especially Latinos and African Americans, want to see education reform, but not at the expense of public schools. In interviews outside Lazear Elementary School in Oakland, parents, most of them Latinos, express this same sentiment. But there is another concern over Prop 174, says Edgardo Franco, who was at Lazear to pick up his little sister and says he'll vote no on the measure.

I don't think we should be giving them money for they want to open their own school without a license. And then someone, the government probably, is going to give them money to do it. So I don’t think that's right. I think they should give the money to the public schools better.

Franco is expressing a widespread concern about the voucher plan that opponents say may result in the measure's defeat. Polls show most voters don't want public money to go to private schools that aren't required to hold to state standards on academic safety or teacher training. Rick Ruiz of the No on 174 campaign says even if parents did believe that private schools were better, most of them would be hard-pressed to send their kids to the private schools of their choice.

The really top quality private schools that are enjoyed by the wealthy charge anywhere from $7,000 to $15,000 a year and more. A $2,600 voucher is not going to provide anybody access to that kind of education.

Proponents of Prop 174 say these negative arguments are based on false information. Advocate Sean Walsh says surveys show most private schools, like parochial schools, would be accessible with a voucher. As for state supervision of schools, Walsh says it has hardly resulted in a top-notch public system. But Walsh says, what will influence voters the most to support the voucher plan is their disillusionment at the pace of school reform.

And again, we feel confident that when those parents go into that voting booth and they pull that little lever, that they're going to stand there before they do and say, "You know something? I can't afford to have my child go another 10 years without any sort of educational reform, that my child will be out of school by then and my child will have lost his or her future."

Opponents of Prop 174 are convinced voters will reject the measure, but they're not as quick to say that a no vote on November 2nd should be considered the final word on the idea of school vouchers. For Latino USA, I'm Isabel Alegria in San Francisco.

Mayoral elections are being held in the heavily Latino cities of Miami and New York. Dade County voters will decide between Miami Commissioner Miriam Alonso and former metro mayor, Steve Clark. While in New York, poll show incumbent Mayor David Dinkin's running neck and neck with challenger Rudolph Giuliani. And analysts say, the Latino vote could decide the election's outcome. From New York City, Mandalit del Barco reports.

Four years ago, David Dinkins won his job as mayor by beating Rudolph Giuliani by only 2% of the votes. Now, in the final days of the campaign, both mayoral candidates have been serenading Latino voters like never before.

“Papa, por quien tu vas a votar?”

“Eso no se pregunta mijo, los Latinos votamos por Dinkin.”[Latin music]

Presente! Latinas! Con Dinkins! Presente! Latinas! Con Dinkins!...

Outside City Hall recently, a group calling themselves Latinas for Dinkins rallied for the mayor, who listed some of his accomplishments.

We've made a lot of progress in the past four years, and we're not going to turn back now. I felt the sting of discrimination in my own life, and I know that unless all of us are free, none of us is free. And that's why I have appointed highly talented Latinos to top posts in my administration, more than any mayor in our city's history.

Dinkins' spokeswoman Maite Junco says Latinos have a clear choice between a progressive minority candidate and Giuliani, a conservative Republican who served in the Justice Department under Ronald Reagan.

[Background people speaking] The choice is clear. For us, it's clear, particularly for the Latino community. The mayor has done in four years what this man has not done in his lifetime.

Dinkins' has the support of Congress members, José Serrano and Nydia Velázquez, as well as Bronx borough president Fernando Ferrer. El Diario La Prensa, along with the New York Times and the Village Voice has endorsed him. And wherever he campaigns, Dinkins make sure to throw in a little Spanish.

Vaya con Dios, y mantenga la fe. [Applause]

While Dinkins got a standing ovation when he addressed a conference of Puerto Rican elderly, his challenger, Rudolph Giuliani, also received a warm reception.

Do you speak any Spanish?

Un poco, [laughter]. I understand Spanish from understanding Italian. And I can read it, but my accent is so bad. I hate to speak it. I embarrass myself. [Background-People speaking]

Giuliani's bid to win the Latino vote has been boosted by running mate Herman Badillo, the grandfather of the city's Latino politicians. A longtime Democrat, Badillo's campaigning for city controller, this time around, on the Republican liberal ticket.

There's no way that Dinkins is going to get the same support in the Latino community that he got in 1989, and that's the reason he's going to lose. Every poll, while it may vary more or less some points, shows him nowhere near the 66% to 70% that he got last time. And I'm convinced that we're going to win the majority of the Latino vote. So that's the election right there.

Herman Badillo is not the only Latino Democrat to have defected from Dinkins' camp to Giuliani's. Fire Commissioner Carlos Rivera, along with prominent political figures, Ruben Franco and Elizabeth Colón, are now supporting Giuliani, citing disillusionment with the mayor.

He has failed us, and that is the cry of the Hispanic community around the city of New York. He has failed us, and we need a change.

Around the city, Giuliani voters seem more concerned about crime, while those who favor Dinkins feel a kinship with the city's first African-American mayor.

Dinkins look like he likes Spanish people. And Giuliani, he is going to go for Italian people. So we get together, the Black and Spanish, so I think we could get him thinking back. I think he's doing all right. We have to give him a chance.

Years back, we went to the street. We went to church. We went to different places at nighttime. Now we can't go out. We're scared. Drugs is number one. [Background-People Speaking]

And you think that Giuliani will take care of that?

I think Giuliani will take care of that, yes. Maybe a change would be better.

Giuliani.

Why?

Well, he looks like he'll take care of the crime, the crime and the drugs in the street. He'll do a better job, I think.

How do you know he will?

Well, I'm not too sure, but from people talking and everything.

Giuliani is not going to win and Dinkins is going to squeak by. That's what's going to happen.

Reporter Evido De La Cruz has been covering the election for the city's largest Spanish language newspaper, El Diario La Prensa. He says, at this point, the election and the Latino vote is just too close to call.

I believe that it is such thing as a Latino vote. But who's going to get it? Nobody's sure. A lot of people are really, really upset with the mayor, because they perceive him as somebody that he didn't live up to his promises, his commitments to the Latino community. And the other part of it is that, they don't trust. For some reason, they think that Giuliani is not sensible enough, doesn't know the community. He's perceived as somebody that's going to like everybody that has this mentality of prosecutor mentality. I interview a lot of people and that's what they say. I mean, they don't know how to vote. They haven't made their mind.

In the meantime, at least one segment of the city's so-called Latino swing vote has been trying to force both mayoral candidates to address issues such as racial violence against Latinos.

Madison Avenue! This Latino swing vote is in the middle of the monster, waving our flag, demanding...

At rallies outside City Hall and outside Giuliani's headquarters, community activist Richie Perez challenged Dinkins and Giuliani to act on the recent racial murder of a Dominican teenager and the fire bombing of a home belonging to a Puerto Rican family in Brooklyn. [Background-Person giving speech]

All the polls are saying that the community has not yet made up its mind. Two weeks ago went one way. This week is going another way. It's still a volatile situation. We are here to increase the volatility of the situation and say, "If you want our votes, you got to give something up,” because it is long past the time when our community was sleeping and our votes could be taken for granted. As far as we are concerned, this is a candidate accountability demonstration.

If nothing else, says Richie Perez, this mayoral campaign has forced the candidates to put Latino issues on the political agenda. For Latino USA, I'm Mandalit del Barco in New York.

I'm Maria Hinojosa. The Latino vote had been predicted to play a significant role in recent mayoral elections in two major US cities, New York, where Republican Rudolph Giuliani defeated the city's first African-American mayor, David Dinkins in a very close race, and Miami were Cuban-born city Commissioner Miriam Alonso will face former Mayor Steve Clark in a runoff on November 9th. With us to talk about these elections and the role of the Latino vote are political analyst Gerson Borrero in New York, and from Miami, Ivan Roman, a reporter for El Nuevo Herald. Bienvenidos a los dos, welcome.

Let's take a look at the numbers in these two races and where the Latino vote went and what difference it made, if at all. Let's look at Miami first. What happened in Miami, Ivan?

Well, first of all, in Miami the Hispanics are a majority of the vote. Regardless of what happens with Hispanics, they are to play a major role. Interestingly enough, what you had was a race between Commissioner Miriam Alonso, who is Cuban, and an Anglo former Miami Mayor, Steve Clark, the vote was split amongst Hispanics. 60% for Alonso and 40% for Clark, and there are many reasons for that. Some analysts attribute a generational gap because Miriam Alonso resorted to shrill ethnic appeals in the last week that they say the younger generation and exit polls show that the younger generation of Cubans and Cuban Americans reject. So, there you have an interesting dynamic in which you have Hispanics and mostly Cubans who are splitting their vote and not necessarily voting Cuban, which is what the older time and the older Cubans tend to do.

Now in New York, Gerson, the Latino vote was talked about for a very long time as being the swing vote. Did it in fact make the difference for getting Republican Giuliani into office this time around?

Well, the Latino vote came out and danced, but it certainly didn't swing. It didn't move anybody. It really had no impact as far as I can tell from the figures that have come out. We did come out at around 20% of the electorate and it indicates to me that however, it was crucial to maintaining Dinkin's dignified loss. He got 60% of the vote. Mayor Dinkin is the incumbent as opposed to Republican Rudolph Giuliani who got around 38% of the Latino vote, which is less than what he expected. Certainly Latino vote in New York City turned out along the party lines and that is being Democrats. The majority of the votes here in New York City from the Latino population are of course from Puerto Ricans, and just as Blacks did, they voted along democratic lines.

Ivan, the interesting thing about Miami is that there is this generational split where you have younger Cubans going for the non-Cuban candidate and you have the older Cubans going for the Cuban candidate. This shows a lot about the complexity in this particular case of the Latino Cuban vote. Do you think that people are picking up on that down in Miami?

Definitely so. I mean, you could say there's a generational divide in which younger Cubans, for instance, would not go for these ethnic appeals that have been so common here in politics.

[interruption] Well, what kind of ethnic appeals are you talking about?

Well, basically Miriam Alonso and every Cuban politician you can think of was on the radio saying, "This seat belongs to us. We can't let this seat slip out of our hands." And one thing is to say that we deserve representation with the majority, and another thing is to say that the seat belongs to us because that was the kind of message that was rejected by Puerto Ricans and Nicaraguans who were saying, "Wait a minute, you're excluding everybody else. Why should I vote for somebody who is going to be so exclusive?"

Do both of you agree with the conventional wisdom that's being talked about, that this election was very bad news for the Clinton Administration and for the Democrats in general or are you a little bit more skeptical?

I don't agree with it. I think that this has nothing to do with the Clinton presidency. It's too early on in his administration. This is only his 10th month in office. We have to remember that neither Whitman in New Jersey or Giuliani in New York received a mandate. It was only 2% in each instance. So, there is clearly, it's not a mandate anywhere. I think people looked at the local issues and certainly our community voted as such. I mean you can stretch this and say that Clinton did have an effect and that the Latino community listened to the President, so that argument could be made also.

In Miami, that doesn't really apply because the race is not a partisan race. The dynamic happening here is mostly an anti-incumbency type of thing where voters seem to reject people who had either been at city hall before or who are currently in city hall, in favor of some newcomers that are giving them a struggle in the runoff next week. Here we have a different situation.

Well, thank you very much for joining us. Political analyst Gerson Borrero in New York and Ivan Roman of El Nuevo Herald in Miami. Muchas gracias.

Voters in Miami pulled together to elect a new mayor after one of the most divisive political campaigns in that city's history. For Miami, Melissa Mancini has more.

Rejecting ethnic appeals, Miami voters elected Steve Clark as their first non-Hispanic mayor in more than 20 years. By a landslide 59%, voters turned aside the Cuban vote Cuban requests at the heart of opponent Miriam Alonzo's campaign. Younger Cuban American voters rejected Alonzo as did black, white, and non Cuban Hispanic voters who voted two to one in favor of Clark. Younger Hispanic voters ignored Alonzo's appeals to stick with their parents and grandparents in backing her. An exit poll showed Clark winning solid majorities among Hispanic voters below age 49 while Alonzo won among those over 50 years of age. Alonzo ran an all-out ethnic campaign, calling the mayor's job, quote, "a Hispanic seat" and saying Latinos should retain the mayor's seat in Cuban hands. She continued that strategy through election day and many political analysts are blaming Alonzo's defeat in great measure on her racially-based campaigning. For Latino USA, I'm Melissa Mancini in Miami.

This is news from Latino USA. I'm Vidal Guzman.

[Highlight—natural sound—protest] Hey, you're blind. You don't know the future.

The debate over NAFTA is now over, and the North American Free Trade Agreement is closer to becoming a reality. The Congressional Hispanic Caucus split geographically on the vote. Those west of the Mississippi voted for NAFTA, while representatives from the Midwest and East Coast were opposed, citing their fear of job losses, a fear President Clinton attempted to allay after the vote.

I call on the coalition that passed NAFTA to help me early next year present to the Congress and pass a world-class reemployment system that will give our working people the security of knowing that they'll be able always to get the training they need as economic conditions change.

Latinos played key roles in both sides of the NAFTA debate. José Niño, president of the US Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, says, "Never before has the involvement of Latinos had such an impact on legislation." "And that," says Niño, "bodes well for the future."

As we move forward and we negotiate other laws and other relationships between Mexico and the US, in America, they're going to be looking to the Latino community here and saying, "Well, let's get their opinion now," and whether they want our opinion or not, it's such a big impact into what's going on that they can no longer just sit around and ignore us.

I'm Maria Hinojosa. The long, drawn-out, and hard-fought battle over the North American Free Trade agreement finally came to an end when the House of Representatives, after more than 10 hours of debate, approved the controversial treaty by a vote of 234 for NAFTA, 200 against. Latino USA's Patricia Guadalupe has been following the debate on Capitol Hill. She prepared this report.

[Background—natural sounds—Congressional proceeding] On this vote the yeas are 234, the nays are 200, and the bill has passed.

There were no last-minute surprises in the Hispanic caucus since all the Latino members of Congress had announced beforehand how they would vote. All members east of the Mississippi River voted against a treaty, including all the Puerto Rican members, Democrats Luis Gutierrez of Illinois, Nydia Velazquez of New York, and Hispanic caucus chair Jose Serrano, also of New York, as well as the Cuban American members of Congress from New Jersey and Florida. All those west of the Mississippi River, that is, every Mexican American member of Congress, with the exception of Democrat Henry Gonzalez of Texas, voted in favor of NAFTA. Among the members voting for the treaty was Democratic Representative Frank Tejeda of Texas. During the hours of the debate, he likened a yes vote, to a vote for economic progress particularly for future generations.

If we reject NAFTA, we limit their future potential. We must press NAFTA and teach our graduates by example. We must also send the willing message, that the United States instead remained the world's economic leader.

But neither Congressman Tejeda's words, nor those of other pro-NAFTA representatives did anything to convince the three Cuban American members of Congress, who have all along objected to signing an agreement with Mexico. They oppose Mexico's diplomatic relations with Cuba. Lincoln Diaz Ballard, a Cuban American Republican from Florida, added that he voted against NAFTA not only because of Cuba but because he considers the Mexican government with the same political party and power for over 60 years to be undemocratic.

And that's the problem with the Mexican government. They, they're a long-standing rotating dictatorship. They steal elections every six years. And when we sign an agreement with them, who are we signing agreement with? A group of families, or a group of people? So that's why we need to, we should have announced from the beginning that we're doing it. We want entrance into a common market of hemispheric democracies. We didn't do that. That's a fatal flaw.

The final vote was not as close as some had expected with 16 more than the 218 needed for passage. Some analysts say the intense lobbying by the Clinton administration in the last few days, along with Vice President Al Gore's good showing in the debate with Ross Perot convinced many of the undecided members. Raul Hinojosa, an economist at UCLA and a member of the Pro-NAFTA Coalition known as the Latino consensus, also thinks that the opposition to NAFTA lost steam as the final vote neared.

What's happened is that the White House has had an incredible momentum in the last week and a half of a lot of undecideds, which is way, by the way, exactly how the public has shifted. A lot of the undecided vote went to NAFTA in the last two weeks. I think what was clear is that the opposition was very strong, but it wasn't growing anymore, and therefore what we're seeing is that the vast majority of the undecided then shifted over with the President on this issue.

The NAFTA treaty now moves onto the Senate where final approval is expected easily. If accepted by the governments of Canada and Mexico, the North American Free Trade Agreement would go into effect next January, creating the largest consumer market in the world. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.