Annotations for Places: United States

This is Maria Hinojosa. In February of 1991, a hard-hitting newspaper reporter and radio commentator was assassinated in New York City. Many theories have since surfaced as to who had reasons to kill Manuel de Dios Unanue. The combative journalist had written about corruption in Puerto Rico and angered anti-Castro groups by advocating better relations between the US and Cuba. Now, as Mandalit del Barco reports from New York, law authorities are linking the De Dios's murder to a Colombian cocaine cartel.

Blades says that given the breakdown of Panama's economy and infrastructure, it's going to take honesty, organization and a lot of education to turn things around for the country. When asked whether he'd like to see US troops leave Panama, Blades replies that he wants his native land to take care of itself. As to charges that his campaign is one of demagoguery that is far removed from the lives of everyday Panamanians, Blades said this:

This is news from Latino USA. I'm Maria Martin. An association of Latino attorneys is lobbying the President to name a Hispanic to the nation's highest court. From Miami, Emilio San Pedro reports.

The Latino community is the second largest and fastest-growing minority group in the United States, but a Latino has never served on the United States Supreme Court. That's the premise on which the Hispanic National Bar Association, the HNBA, based its campaign to President Bill Clinton to appoint a Latino to the Supreme Court. HNBA National President Carlos Ortiz says that not only is it important to have a Latino on the Supreme Court for the sake of equal representation, but also, he says a qualified Latino Justice could bring a unique perspective to the court.

We feel that with a new perspective on that court, that the arguments that could be made by and between the judges that have to make them in order to arrive at a decision that will impact upon the 250 million Americans that have to follow the Supreme Court's law, that Hispanics can greatly contribute to the development of that new law, and then the administration of justice.

The short list of seven potential nominees was presented to President Clinton on March 21st. They include Joseph Baca, a Justice on the New Mexico Supreme Court, Texas Attorney General Don Morales, and Wilmer Martinez, former President and General Counsel of MALDAEF, the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund. For Latino USA, I'm Emilio San Pedro.

This is news from Latino USA. I'm Maria Martin. According to the United Nations, US Latinos and African Americans enjoy a lower quality of life than people in many developing countries. Franc Contreras reports.

The report from the United Nations studied quality of life for people living in 137 countries around the globe. It's called the Quality of Life Index and it examines life expectancy, education, and purchasing power. The report found that, as a group, US Latinos fall way behind the US as a whole. The report says the non-minority population in the US has the best standard of living in the world, but Latinos ranked 35th worldwide. Life for Latinos in the US compares to people living in the former Soviet republics of Latvia and Estonia. And according to the report, US Latinos do just a little better than people living in Russia. The number one country in the world, according to the report, is Japan, but that country drops to number 17 when the treatment of Japanese women is taken into consideration. For Latino USA, I'm Franc Contreras in Washington.

Home Box Office has announced plans to launch HBO en Español, a Spanish language version of its regular schedule of movies. HBO en Español will be available in the top 10 Latino markets beginning in October, and television network Telemundo plans to launch their Spanish-language newscast in conjunction with Reuters television. I'm Maria Martin with news from Latino USA.

A North American Free Trade Agreement has been signed by Canada, the US, and Mexico. Once it becomes law, we will be in the process of becoming the largest artificial economic community of the planet.

Negotiations between the US, Canada, and Mexico continue regarding the North American Free Trade Agreement. If the three parties should come to an agreement regarding environmental protection and labor issues, and if the US Congress approves NAFTA, free trade will be the economic order on the continent. But there are many opposing views on the impact NAFTA will have, should it become law. For performance artist and Latino USA commentator Guillermo Gomez Peña, many questions regarding the free trade agreement remain.

In terms of geography and demographics, it will be much larger than the European community or than the fashionable Pacific Rim. From the myriad possibilities of free trade agreements that could be designed and implemented, the neoliberal version we have is not exactly an enlightened one. It is based on the fallacy that the market will take care of everything. Avoiding the most basic social labor, environmental, and cultural responsibilities, there are many burning questions that remain unanswered. Given the endemic lack of political and economic symmetry between the three countries, will Mexico become, as Mexican artist Yareli Arizmendi says, the largest Indian reservation of the US? Or will it be treated as an equal by its bigger partners?

Will the predatory Statue of Liberty depower the Virgin of Guadalupe, or are they merely going to dance a sweaty cumbia? Will Mexico become a toxic and cultural waste dump of the US and Canada? Who will monitor the behavior of the three governments? Given the exponential increase of American trash and media culture in Mexico, what will happen to our indigenous traditions, social and cultural rituals, language, and national psyche? Will the future generations become hyphenated Mexican-Americans, brown-skinned gringos and Canochis or upside-down Chicanos? And what about our northern partners? Will they slowly become Chicanadians, Waspacks and Anglomalans?

Whatever the answers are, NAFTA will profoundly affect our lives in many ways. Whether we like it or not, a new era has begun and the new economic and cultural topography has been designed for us. We must find our new place and role within this new federation of US Republics.

This is Maria Hinojosa. It's estimated that in the United States alone, there may be as many as a million practitioners of the religious tradition known as Santería. The Afro-Cuban religion, whose followers turn for guidance to deities called Orishas, recently came into the spotlight when the US Supreme Court ruled that Santería's practice of sacrificing animals, such as roosters, is protected by the freedom of religion clause of the First Amendment of the US Constitution. With us from Miami to speak about that ruling and what it means to practitioners of Santería is anthropologist Mercedes Sandoval, author of several books on Santería and an expert on Afro-Cuban religions. Welcome to Latino USA, Mercedes.

Thank you very much.

Now the ritual sacrifice of animals for the Orishas or the saints was banned in the Florida city of Hialeah in 1987. What was the impact of that ban, and how do you think things are going to change with this Supreme Court ruling?

Since the very moment that the Supreme Court, for instance, has lifted that ban, it means that santerians are not going to be persecuted for sacrificing animals, and it takes that stigma out, and I hope that the authority will be more interested in persecuting real criminals than people that are practicing a religion that doesn't have to have any connotation of antisocial behavior.

Were people in fact persecuted because of practicing animal sacrifice?

Not really, but they could have. Sometimes they were arrested not only because of that ban, but because of complaints that the authorities received from different association for the defense of animals, and so, or for neighbors that were nervous. You have to have in mind that there is a lot of other repercussions outside of the actual sacrificing of animals.

Now in Spanish, the word Santería means the way of the saints, and in fact, the religion has a very holistic spiritual interpretation of human beings and their environment, their surroundings. But in fact, many misconceptions exist about Santería, that it's like a black magic or it's voodoo. How much do you think those misconceptions played into the original banning of animal sacrifice in Hialeah, and how much do those misconceptions still exist?

Well, first of all, Santería, does have a reputation. It is an African religion. A lot of the rituals are carried out in a way that is practically secret. Then, there is some reliance in magical practice, much more so than other more European type of religious systems, and therefore a lot of people go to this religious system looking for protection. And in some instances magical practices are, try to be used to protect yourself and even to attack an enemy. This is actually true. However, I believe that because it is an unknown religion, because it has an African origin, they have been misunderstood and suffered a lot of discrimination.

Do you think that the Supreme Court ruling, which basically is now protecting the sacrifice of animals under the First Amendment, the freedom of religion clause, do you think that this is going to have an impact on how people see Santería and how people see the issue of animal sacrifice in this country?

Yes, I believe that. I believe that first of all, it has a practical impact. It gets the authorities off the back of the santeros. All right? That's very important. I think it legitimizes their practices. That's what it's doing. If the supreme law of the land takes off the ban, it's legitimizing these religious practices, and then Santería will not be in any way associated with satanism. That has nothing to do with Santería.

Thank you very much, Mercedes Sandoval, who is an anthropologist and an author of several books on Santería and is an expert on Afro-Cuban religions.

NAFTA has provided fertile ground for the work of performance artist Guillermo Gómez-Peña. In the following skit, Gómez-Peña becomes a character he calls "the Aztec salesman". The Aztec salesman is a lobbyist for free trade who at first tries to sway others to enter into the free trade fever, but later has an identity crisis.

[“Tequila” background music] Bienvenidos damas y caballeros, lovers, consumers of pura vicultura, a new transcontinental breeze, ricochets from Monterrey to Manhattan, from DF to LA, we perceive the pungent smells of chile con ketchup and low-cal mole. Never before have Gringolandia—[clears throat] digo--America succumbed to the sabor of the amigo country with such eagerness and gusto. Let Frida Kahlo's monkeys run wild in your dreams. Get lost in the labyrinth of solitude of a Mexican painting. Dance yourself to sleep with the picante sounds of Guapango rap. Don't forget to wear your conceptual sombrero, güerita. Enjoy the tender, tender, magenta nipples of a ranchero diva. Don't get left behind. Don't arrive late to the Grand Tri National Fiesta. Support NAFTArt, free trade art for the klepto Mexican connoisseur.

Como debe diciendo, man, join a new vibrant Castro erotic—digo—econo-cultural ma-ma-maquiladora y de paso contribute to. Sorry. What I meant to say is you will receive a glossy 200-page catalog, certified by Televisa and the Metropolitan. You can place your mail orders debolada by simply dialing your resident-alien number. Remember, no one can like Mexi-can. No mejor dicho en Spanglish, lo echo en Mexico esta bien [clears throat] digo—[beep]. Me-me-me-Comprehend this machine. Approach your funders de ya porque Free raid, digo, free trade artist, tax-deductible, hombre.

No, I'm sorry, I didn't mean to. I'm having an identity crisis on the radio studio. I don't know what I'm saying. I mean, la neta es que…I need a job, man. I mean, I can cook, translate, guide tours en Nahuatl and Arawak, do gardening, security, community outreach, got my resident-alien card, barata. My social security number is ... [“Tequila” plays]

Latino USA commentator, Guillermo Gómez-Peña, a recipient of the MacArthur Genius Award, is based in California.

Latino USA commentator, Guillermo Gómez-Peña, a recipient of the MacArthur Genius Award, is based in California. In Brownsville, Texas, a group of Chicanos and elders from Indigenous populations in the US and Mexico gathered recently for what they called the 17th Encuentro of the National Chicano Human Rights Council. The group is part of a movement which began in the 60s to help Mexican Americans reconnect with their Indigenous roots. Today, the movement is taking a new turn involving Chicanos in a spiritual reawakening foretold in ancient Indian myths, which caused them to action on human rights and the environment. From Brownsville, Lillie Rodulfo and Lucy Edwards prepared this report.

[natural sound] This weekend, council members have brought their families to camp on the grounds of the Casa de Colores. The multicultural center sits on 360 acres of prime farmland along the U.S.-Mexican border order.

[conch chell sounds] With the sound of a conch shell, a Mexican shaman, Andre Segura, calls a group to worship in a sacred dance of the Indigenous that the Aztecs have practiced for thousands of years. They also are called to reunite with the Indians of Mexico in their common struggle for equal rights. Elders like Segura say when Chicanos answer the call of the Danza, they are joining in a revival of the Indigenous spirit that is happening throughout the Americas. [Ceremony natural sounds] "This reawakening of the spiritual traditions," the elders say, "was foretold by Indian leaders centuries ago. Danzas and other Indigenous ceremonies carry a strong message of preserving the earth and all its people."

Andre Segura's Danza Conchera contains the essence of Aztec or Toltec thought in the entire worldview.

Chicano author Carlos Flores explains what happens when a Chicano worships in the sacred tradicion of the Danza.

When the Mexican-American decides to call himself a Chicano, basically what he's doing is declaring publicly that he's an Indian. In effect, what we're seeing here then is Mexican-Americans through their connection with an Indian shaman, I guess you could say, practicing the sacred.

Susana Renteria of the Austin-based PODER, People Organized in Defense of Earth and its Resources, offered passionate testimony at the conference. Her group has worked hard to focus attention on environmental racism in the Mexican-American communities in Austin.

They take toxic chemicals and inject it into Mother Earth. They inject it. It's like when you put heroin in your veins, and you're contaminating your whole blood system. That's what they're doing to Mother Earth. The water is the blood in her veins, and they're injecting these chemicals into, and they wonder why we have so much illnesses, why we have so much despair.

[meeting natural sounds] The council heard hours of testimony like this on a wide range of issues, bringing into focus everyday realities for Chicanos, such as the disproportionate number of Mexican American prisoners sentenced to die and the alarmingly high incidents of babies born in the Rio Grande Valley with incomplete or missing brains. Opata Elder Gustavo Gutierrez of Arizona, one of the founders of the council, offers this prophetic warning.

The moment that we start losing our relationship between Mother Earth and ourselves, then is when we get into all this trouble, and I think that what has happened to the people that are in power, they have the multinational corporation. They have lost their feeling about what is their relationship between the Earth, and the only thing they can think about is how to make money, and once that is the main focus, how to make money, then I feel that we're really in a lot of trouble.

[Danza natural sounds] The shaman, Andre Segura, says, "The Indigenous ceremonies that are part of every council meeting provide a spiritual foundation to unite Chicanos, as they speak out for the rights and the rights of all Indigenous."

Buscar dientro de su corazon, dientro de su-

Search your heart and soul as to how you feel about the Indigenous. The Chicano roots come from Mexico, and accepting this will unite the Chicano people.

[Singing, natual sounds] The Chicano Human Rights Council was formed in the 1980s to address the human rights violations in the southwest. The council teaches Chicanos how to document abuses that affect their community. The testimony they hear in Brownsville will be presented at international forums, such as the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. (Singing) For Latino USA, with Lucy Edwards, I'm Lily Rodulfo. (Singing)

This is news from "Latino USA." I'm Maria Martin. The U.S. Census Bureau has released a new report on the country's Latino population. Reporter Barrie Lynn Tapia has more.

Over the last 10 years, the number of Latinos in this country grew seven times faster than any other group. They had more children and less elderly than non-Latinos. They were also less likely to be covered by health insurance. Julio Moran, a reporter for the "LA Times," says the findings are more than just statistics.

When we talk about urban agendas, we're really talking about a Latino agenda. We're finding that Latinos becoming more segregated and more concentrated in precisely the same areas that need, I think, more attention into what's happening to our society at this moment.

The Census Bureau also says Latino unemployment rates are consistently higher and median family income lower than the population at large. Although more Latinos are graduating from high school than a decade ago, Latinos still lag behind the rest of the nation in education. For "Latino USA," I'm Barrie Lynn Tapia in Washington.

Hispanics in the United States are the group less likely to have access to healthcare. Luis Antonio Ocasio has a story.

According to a report from the National Coalition of Hispanic Health and Human Services Organizations, 30% of Hispanics do not have regular access to healthcare. The study shows that almost one-third of children of Hispanic working adults are not covered by health insurance. According to U.S. Assistant Secretary for Agent Fernando Torres Hill, the passage of a national healthcare plan is essential for meeting the healthcare needs of Hispanics.

Latino families still tend to rely on each other. They still draw on extended families, and they still prefer to have their elders or disabled either with them or near them. That's not to over-romanticize the Latino community because we are also acculturating. And as we acculturate, our studies show we become like everybody else, where we look to nursing homes and hospices, and hospitals.

Torres Hill says the Department of Health and Human Services will promote home and community-based healthcare programs. For "Latino USA," I'm Luis Antonio Ocasio in Washington.

Educators and education reporters at the Washington Conference of the National Association of Hispanic Journalists agreed that the public schools in this country continue to fail Latino children, especially in bilingual education. Laura Varela reports.

Jim Lyons, the executive director of the National Association for Bilingual Education, says the government and the media pay too much attention to test scores. Instead, he says, the education system should be graded in its performance. Still, Lyons says many Latino students are not letting the lack of quality bilingual ed programs get in their way.

I think one of the great success stories in this country is the number of children that have become fully bilingual, many fully bi-literate, when most of their teachers are still hopelessly monolingual.

To solve the problem, Lyons says, more bilingual teachers must be hired, and more government funding for bilingual education programs must be made available. For "Latino USA," I'm Laura Varela.

A new survey says there are now more Latino journalists working in the United States media, but few in management positions. Olga Rodriguez has this report.

According to a survey conducted by the National Association of Hispanic Journalists, the number of Latinos employed in major newspapers rose by 27% in the last two years, but less than 3% of them are in management positions. Cesar Rocha, who conducted the study, says there are several reasons why the number of Latinos in management remains so low.

There's little commitment among many publishers and editors to the goal of diversifying their management team. There are very few Latino managers, as we said, to act as mentors, and there is the growing dissatisfaction among everyone.

The study also says that the number of Latinos in broadcast journalism is increasing, but at a slower pace than in print media. Another concern is the small number of Latinos in the nation's journalism schools. For "Latino USA," I'm Olga Rodriguez.

I'm Maria Hinojosa. Latino journalists were hoping they would get a chance to share their views with President Bill Clinton, but a rumored White House reception with the President was scaled down to just a small briefing with two of his assistants who apologized that the President couldn't make it. It was a big letdown for those who attended this year's conference. And as Patricia Guadalupe reports, although President Clinton has appointed two high-profile Latinos to his cabinet, many feel that small number of appointees is also a disappointment.

Latinos applauded the president when he appointed former Denver Mayor Federico Peña as Transportation Secretary and former San Antonio Mayor Henry Cisneros as Secretary of Housing and Urban Development. However, almost five months later, Latinos around the country are disappointed more Hispanics aren't part of the Clinton administration, particularly in high-profile policymaking positions. The National Hispanic Leadership Agenda, a coalition of Latino agencies, says that Hispanics hold less than 5% of the positions requiring Senate confirmation. One of those who wants to see more Hispanics working inside the Clinton administration is Democratic Congressman Esteban Torres of California.

We have asked the president to consider the numbers of the percentages based on former administrations and, again, with his commitment that he was going to seek for a more diversified administration and more diversified White House. And while the numbers are beginning to show up in percentages, we still see Hispanics as a very low-level number of appointments, and this should not be so.

One of Clinton's most vocal critics is Dolores Huerta, former vice president of the United Farm Workers Union, but her disenchantment with the administration reaches beyond the issue of appointments. Huerta has been promoting the idea of forming a new political party with other prominent Latinos to give Hispanics an alternative voice. She's also critical of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, which she feels is not applying adequate pressure on the Clinton administration.

And I think that they have to do more. They have to be a lot more assertive, like the Black Caucus has been. The Black Caucus made up their own budget. They're not afraid to come out and blast the president and tell him he's wrong, right? And I don't see the same kind of thing coming from the Hispanic Caucus. I think they've got to talk more about issues and talk more about programs and take more leadership than what they're doing now.

But others are willing to give Clinton more time. One of them is Chicago City Treasurer Miriam Santos, the first Latina to oversee the budget of a major city. Santos says she is also disappointed, but she feels it's still too early to pass judgment.

I think the process has been very slow and cumbersome. I'm hoping that the administration rectifies that. In fact, I mean, we should be delighted that we have Henry Cisneros and Federico Peña. There have been a few other Latino key appointments, and I think that most of us -- and I'd certainly like to see more Latino appointments, and we're hoping that that's going to be corrected. We're still sending resumes. We're still working with them. It's a little disappointing, though.

However, the White House defends its appointment record, saying there are 15 Hispanics in high-level positions. Meanwhile, an administration source says the problem is not a lack of commitment to the Hispanic community but more an issue of disorganization within the office in charge of appointments. In fact, Latinos are not the only group complaining. Others also say the White House has been very slow in getting its team in place. For example, the administration took almost half a year to name a Commissioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service. Director of Presidential Personnel, Jose Villarreal, acknowledges the appointment process has taken longer than expected. Nevertheless, he says President Clinton hopes to name more Hispanics soon. For "Latino USA," I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

This is news from Latino USA. I'm Maria Martin. The future of the North American Free Trade Agreement remains in question. Since the US district judge ruled the Clinton administration may not present NAFTA for approval in Congress until its impact on the environment is determined.

This is news from Latino USA. I'm Maria Martin. The future of the North American Free Trade Agreement remains in question. Since the US district judge ruled the Clinton administration may not present NAFTA for approval in Congress until its impact on the environment is determined.

It caught some people by surprise.

It caught some people by surprise.

Judge Charles Richey's ruling was a victory for environmentalists opposed to NAFTA and a disappointing setback to its supporters like Abel Guerra of the National Hispanic Chamber of Commerce.

Judge Charles Richey's ruling was a victory for environmentalists opposed to NAFTA and a disappointing setback to its supporters like Abel Guerra of the National Hispanic Chamber of Commerce.

We feel NAFTA provides many environmental safeguards, which are now nonexistent. The defeat of NAFTA would actually harm the environment more than these environmental groups know.

We feel NAFTA provides many environmental safeguards, which are now nonexistent. The defeat of NAFTA would actually harm the environment more than these environmental groups know.

Opponents of the present trade agreements say the court ruling validates their long-standing concerns about the treaty. Labor organizer Victor Munoz of the AFL-CIO says he's hopeful the recent court decision will lead to negotiating an entirely new trade agreement.

Opponents of the present trade agreements say the court ruling validates their long-standing concerns about the treaty. Labor organizer Victor Munoz of the AFL-CIO says he's hopeful the recent court decision will lead to negotiating an entirely new trade agreement.

If it could be renegotiated completely, I think it would give us a very good opportunity to create a much better trade agreement than the one we have right now.

If it could be renegotiated completely, I think it would give us a very good opportunity to create a much better trade agreement than the one we have right now.

A majority of Americans favor curbs on immigration. This includes many Latinos. According to a recent New York Times CBS poll, 53% of Latinos interviewed said immigration levels should be decreased. 77% said they would welcome immigrants in their neighborhood compared with 67% of all respondents to the survey. From Austin, Texas, you're listening to Latino USA.

A majority of Americans favor curbs on immigration. This includes many Latinos. According to a recent New York Times CBS poll, 53% of Latinos interviewed said immigration levels should be decreased. 77% said they would welcome immigrants in their neighborhood compared with 67% of all respondents to the survey. From Austin, Texas, you're listening to Latino USA.

In a narrow five-to-four decision in a case challenging the North Carolina Congressional District, which for the first time since Reconstruction has selected an African American, the US Supreme Court has ruled that minority districts drawn with widely separated boundaries may violate the rights of white voters. Reaction to the ruling by minority voting rights organizations was universally negative. Patricia Guadalupe has this report.

In a narrow five-to-four decision in a case challenging the North Carolina Congressional District, which for the first time since Reconstruction has selected an African American, the US Supreme Court has ruled that minority districts drawn with widely separated boundaries may violate the rights of white voters. Reaction to the ruling by minority voting rights organizations was universally negative. Patricia Guadalupe has this report.

Latino reaction was highly critical of the Supreme Court decision, allowing challenges to congressional districts that were specifically drawn to increase Black and Hispanic representation in Congress. Steven Carbo of the Mexican-American Legal Defense and Educational Fund in Washington DC.

Latino reaction was highly critical of the Supreme Court decision, allowing challenges to congressional districts that were specifically drawn to increase Black and Hispanic representation in Congress. Steven Carbo of the Mexican-American Legal Defense and Educational Fund in Washington DC.

It's been recognized that in order to overturn what historically has happened, that legislatures would have to be race-conscious and maximize political opportunities by creating majority-minority districts. The decision by the Supreme Court seems to question that whole framework. Frankly, if we can't be race-conscious in things like drawing majority-minority districts, then how do we make the Voting Rights Act a reality?

It's been recognized that in order to overturn what historically has happened, that legislatures would have to be race-conscious and maximize political opportunities by creating majority-minority districts. The decision by the Supreme Court seems to question that whole framework. Frankly, if we can't be race-conscious in things like drawing majority-minority districts, then how do we make the Voting Rights Act a reality?

Two of the congressional districts that could be affected by the Supreme Court decision, one in New York and one in Illinois, have a majority population of Latinos and were created only recently to represent that majority. Democratic Congressman Luis Gutierrez of Chicago represents one of the districts.

Two of the congressional districts that could be affected by the Supreme Court decision, one in New York and one in Illinois, have a majority population of Latinos and were created only recently to represent that majority. Democratic Congressman Luis Gutierrez of Chicago represents one of the districts.

It's 65% Hispanic, but only 40% of the voters are Hispanic so that non-Hispanics make up the vast majority and indeed are the single largest group. I never believe in an electoral process that you guarantee any ethnic or racial group a seat in the Congress of the United States. But you do have to guarantee us a fair and equitable opportunity.

It's 65% Hispanic, but only 40% of the voters are Hispanic so that non-Hispanics make up the vast majority and indeed are the single largest group. I never believe in an electoral process that you guarantee any ethnic or racial group a seat in the Congress of the United States. But you do have to guarantee us a fair and equitable opportunity.

Even though Latino groups said they were surprised and caught off guard, all are mounting legal fights around the country to challenge the Supreme Court decision. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

Even though Latino groups said they were surprised and caught off guard, all are mounting legal fights around the country to challenge the Supreme Court decision. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

In press conferences held in Washington, New York, San Antonio, Chicago, and Los Angeles, over a hundred Latino health and community organizations joined with Hispanic political officials to announce a major effort to combat the devastating effect of AIDS on the nation's Latino community.

In press conferences held in Washington, New York, San Antonio, Chicago, and Los Angeles, over a hundred Latino health and community organizations joined with Hispanic political officials to announce a major effort to combat the devastating effect of AIDS on the nation's Latino community.

We're united in purpose. We understand how the AIDS epidemic is devastating our communities. We've let that be known for some time, but we did not have consensus and a unity of purpose and a strategy to work out among ourselves. And now this is different because today we announced to the world that, in fact, it's happening.

We're united in purpose. We understand how the AIDS epidemic is devastating our communities. We've let that be known for some time, but we did not have consensus and a unity of purpose and a strategy to work out among ourselves. And now this is different because today we announced to the world that, in fact, it's happening.

The announcement of the formation of the National Hispanic Latino AIDS Coalition followed shortly after the release of the final report of the National Commission of AIDS, created four years ago by Congress to advise the nation about AIDS and HIV. With us on the phone from Santa Barbara to speak about the commission's work and the Hispanic AIDS Coalition is commission member Eunice Diaz.

The announcement of the formation of the National Hispanic Latino AIDS Coalition followed shortly after the release of the final report of the National Commission of AIDS, created four years ago by Congress to advise the nation about AIDS and HIV. With us on the phone from Santa Barbara to speak about the commission's work and the Hispanic AIDS Coalition is commission member Eunice Diaz.

Eunice, the AIDS Commission ended its work with a report expressing frustration at what you called the lack of political will to carry out effective HIV prevention programs across the country. But what thoughts do you have about the political will to do something specific about the disproportionate number of AIDS cases in Latino and other minority communities?

Eunice, the AIDS Commission ended its work with a report expressing frustration at what you called the lack of political will to carry out effective HIV prevention programs across the country. But what thoughts do you have about the political will to do something specific about the disproportionate number of AIDS cases in Latino and other minority communities?

One of the things that we were frustrated about is that after the end of four years of ardent effort and work around the country, there are so many unresolved issues 12 years into this epidemic. And the mobilization and development of leadership at many levels, including the federal level, has taken so long. And at the same time, we see in many of our communities, yet evidences of intolerance and inhumanity reflected in the response of so many to this epidemic and those afflicted. Therefore, the response to our community, the Hispanic community, is just part and parcel of how this nation needs to be organized to address the issues that are posed before us that are unresolved.

One of the things that we were frustrated about is that after the end of four years of ardent effort and work around the country, there are so many unresolved issues 12 years into this epidemic. And the mobilization and development of leadership at many levels, including the federal level, has taken so long. And at the same time, we see in many of our communities, yet evidences of intolerance and inhumanity reflected in the response of so many to this epidemic and those afflicted. Therefore, the response to our community, the Hispanic community, is just part and parcel of how this nation needs to be organized to address the issues that are posed before us that are unresolved.

We are hopeful for a new day ahead. Being that just recently, this administration, the president appointed Kristine Gebbie, formerly the director of health for the state of Washington to really lead the country in an organized response to the AIDS epidemic. And we hope that that will now create the momentum we've been waiting for at least four years at the commission level. And then look at the needs of all communities, including the very specific needs of the Latino-Hispanic community.

We are hopeful for a new day ahead. Being that just recently, this administration, the president appointed Kristine Gebbie, formerly the director of health for the state of Washington to really lead the country in an organized response to the AIDS epidemic. And we hope that that will now create the momentum we've been waiting for at least four years at the commission level. And then look at the needs of all communities, including the very specific needs of the Latino-Hispanic community.

Well now, one of the positive aspects of this, as you said, is the formation of the national Hispanic-Latino AIDS Coalition, a national organization to investigate the issue of AIDS in the Latino community. But to what extent is this really a new effort? And what does it say about the political will of Latino political leadership to also deal with this issue?

Well now, one of the positive aspects of this, as you said, is the formation of the national Hispanic-Latino AIDS Coalition, a national organization to investigate the issue of AIDS in the Latino community. But to what extent is this really a new effort? And what does it say about the political will of Latino political leadership to also deal with this issue?

Well, the creation of the national Hispanic Latino AIDS Coalition represents a coming together of many organizations, national and throughout the country that spent years fighting the AIDS epidemic. And at this point, we were ready to do that and we were ready to call on our policy-makers at all levels, the national level, state, and local level to say, "We've got to be joined in our response to AIDS." And that is unprecedented. That's never happened. And for me, it represented a moment of triumph, a moment of significant push behind this epidemic. That now, we are telling our communities, si se puede, we can do it. And we can do it united in a coalesced form.

Well, the creation of the national Hispanic Latino AIDS Coalition represents a coming together of many organizations, national and throughout the country that spent years fighting the AIDS epidemic. And at this point, we were ready to do that and we were ready to call on our policy-makers at all levels, the national level, state, and local level to say, "We've got to be joined in our response to AIDS." And that is unprecedented. That's never happened. And for me, it represented a moment of triumph, a moment of significant push behind this epidemic. That now, we are telling our communities, si se puede, we can do it. And we can do it united in a coalesced form.

Well, thank you very much, Eunice Diaz, the only Latino or Latina member of the National Commission on AIDS, which completed its four-year term in June.

Well, thank you very much, Eunice Diaz, the only Latino or Latina member of the National Commission on AIDS, which completed its four-year term in June.

This poem was written after a conversation with a friend who is very frustrated over trying to get funds to help educate Latinos about AIDS.

This poem was written after a conversation with a friend who is very frustrated over trying to get funds to help educate Latinos about AIDS.

Boston poet Martha Valentin has this commentary directed at the Latino agencies now coming together to help educate the Latino community about the AIDS virus.

Boston poet Martha Valentin has this commentary directed at the Latino agencies now coming together to help educate the Latino community about the AIDS virus.

Deadly Games People Play.

Deadly Games People Play.

Because we did not get the funds, we cannot do the workshops. And though you did not get the funds either, your agency is responsible for doing the workshops anyway.

Because we did not get the funds, we cannot do the workshops. And though you did not get the funds either, your agency is responsible for doing the workshops anyway.

Every day, one agency of Mercy argues, competing with the other over who will educate Latinos on the evils of AIDS and the ways to be safe. And while they're arguing, every day three more Latinos die of AIDS. Macho men too proud to wear condoms, every day infect young, beautiful life-giving women who no one has taught that to demand protection is to express love. And every day, little people are born who will not be around to engage in the deadly games people play.

Every day, one agency of Mercy argues, competing with the other over who will educate Latinos on the evils of AIDS and the ways to be safe. And while they're arguing, every day three more Latinos die of AIDS. Macho men too proud to wear condoms, every day infect young, beautiful life-giving women who no one has taught that to demand protection is to express love. And every day, little people are born who will not be around to engage in the deadly games people play.

Marta Valentin is a poet, musician, and radio producer living in Boston.

Marta Valentin is a poet, musician, and radio producer living in Boston.

[Natural sounds of ceremony] Bienvenidos cuidadanos Americanos nuevos.

History was made in Tucson, Arizona when 76 Latino immigrants became naturalized US citizens in a ceremony conducted mostly in Spanish.

[Unidentifiable] [Ceremony natural sounds] Tu sacrficio….

English-only groups that attacked the ceremony as unpatriotic, but Tucson immigration officials ruled it complied with laws allowing immigrants over the age of 50 in this country over 20 years to take citizenship tests in their native language.

The law only requires that the oath of allegiance to the United States be taken in English. Anything else is permissible in another language. We thought it was only right that we do it in their language so they can understand the experience, the full ceremony.

Nationwide, as many as 6 million Latino legal residents are eligible for US citizenship.

The seizure of a number of Florida-based vessels in Cuban waters, including one incident in which three people reportedly lost their lives, has focused attention on the increasingly dangerous and lucrative business of smuggling people from that island. Emilio San Pedro reports.

This year alone, more than 1100 Cubans have been rescued off the Florida coast by the US Coast Guard. Many of these have received help from smugglers in the US. In some cases, these smugglers have reportedly earned up to $10,000 for smuggling refugees out of Cuba. Damian Fernandez of Florida International University says that in addition to the for-profit operations, there are also many cases of families trying to help their relatives leave Cuba.

These operations break both Cuban law and US law, as well as international law. One of their consequences is that they jeopardize and feed the fire and the tension between the United States and Cuba.

So far, seven US residents have been arrested by the Cuban government. Only one has been identified as a US citizen by the State Department for Latino USA. I'm Emilio San Pedro.

The recent murder of a Roman Catholic cardinal in Guadalajara, Mexico is being linked to a gang in San Diego. Law enforcement officials say at least six members of the Calle Treinta gang were the hired killers for a Tijuana drug cartel led by the Ramon Arellano family. From San Diego, Marie Araña has more.

Cardinal Juan Jesus Posadas Ocampo and six other persons were accidentally killed when gunmen hired by a Tijuana drug cartel mistakenly opened fire on the cardinal's limousine. Law enforcement officials say that members of the Calle Treinta gang were hired by the Arellano brothers to kill a rival drug lord, Joaquin Chapo Guzman. Guzman was believed to be the target when Cardinal Posadas was shot last May 24th. For Latino USA, I'm Marie Araña in San Diego.

You're listening to news from Latino USA. It may not be election time, but Democrats and Republicans are wooing Latinos. In a briefing held for the Hispanic Press in Washington, Democratic National Committee Chair, David Wilhelm announced a ‘Salud Para Todos’ campaign to win Hispanic support for the President's healthcare plan and also a major drive to increase Latino voter participation.

We are going to be very much involved in encouraging citizenship and encouraging participation among that new huge voting block.

Meanwhile, several recent press reports say it's the Republicans who are making inroads among traditionally Democratic Latino voters. Cited are results of exit polls done in November by the Southwest Voter Research Institute in San Antonio. But institute director Robert Brischetto says, the press reports misconstrue the data about Latino voter preferences.

There Certainly was a change in party identification among Latinos that showed up on our exit polls, both in California and Texas, but the shift was a decline in identification with either of the two major parties and an increase in independents. Independents more than doubled. Now about one in four Latino voters are independent.

Brischetto also says recent electoral victories by Republicans in Texas and California, Kay Bailey Hutchinson for the Senate and Richard Riordan for LA's Mayor had less to do with increased Latino support than with more Anglos coming out to vote and with greater polarization between Anglos and Latinos and other minorities along party lines.

Indeed, Latino politics is still pretty much controlled by the Democrats, but it certainly could change, and I think that it depends a lot on the extent to which the parties make an effort to run Latino candidates and address Latino Issues.

Robert Brischetto of the Southwest Voter Research Institute, I'm Maria Martin with news from Latino USA.

I am Maria Hinojosa on the 4th of July at the Spanish Colonial Governor's Palace in San Juan, Puerto Rico's pro-statehood governor Pedro Rosello, signed a bill which calls for a plebiscite to be held this November to decide Puerto Rico's political future. With us on the phone from San Juan to talk about what this latest step means for Puerto Rico is political analyst Juan Manuel Garcia Passalacqua. It seems that the Puerto Rican people are forever voting on or debating or talking about whether they want to be a state, remain a commonwealth, or be granted their independence. Now, is there anything different about the process that began with Pedro Rosello, the governor's, latest effort?

Number one, it's the first time ever that a prospective government controls the executive, both chambers of the legislature with an ample majority, and 60 of the 78 municipalities in the island. In other words, this is the first time again, since 1898 in which statehood is obviously the possible winner of a plebiscite in Puerto Rico. The second thing is that after Congress failed to implement a US oriented plebiscite, which died in the Senate two years ago, the United States has to get its act together to respond to what unilaterally, the people of Puerto Rico are going to say on the 14th of November of this year. I have said in my column in the Miami Herald that this is the moment in which finally the resistible force meets the movable object.

So what happens with the US Congress when they get the decision on November 14th of what the Puerto Rican people decide? What role does the US Congress have to play this time?

What's happening at this point is that Congressman Jose Serrano, a Puerto Rican from New York has introduced a resolution that will be discussed in the House Interior Committee that in effect, does two things. Number one, recognizes the right of the people of Puerto Rico to self-determination, and number two, commits the Congress to respond to the expression of the will of the people of Puerto Rico. So that the people of Puerto Rico will next year, know exactly what the reaction of the Congress has been to whatever wins in November of this Year.

Now, Juan Manuel, the fact is that Puerto Rico has been struggling with this issue for many years. [Interruption, “Absolutely”] It's an island where we've had Spanish declared the official language at times. Other times English has been taught forcibly in the schools.

That's right.

Can Puerto Rico in fact become the 51st state of the United States, and how does that look in the future?

Well, the state of movement itself, Maria has announced that only one senator, Senator Paul Simon of Illinois, has already committed himself to submit enabling legislation if statehood is voted on by the people. On the other hand, my own pulse of the Senate indicates that 29 senators will oppose the granting of stated offhand and from the very beginning. So here we have a very lopsided thing. I mean, we already have 29 names that will oppose statehood, only one that will favor it. But I think that the issue is not really whether the statehood will be granted or not. The issue is that the things will be forced to speak, that the Senate will, in effect, respond and take a position on the admission of Puerto Rico as a state of the Union.

Pues muchas gracias Juan Manuel Garcia Passalacqua, a columnist for the Miami Herald and a political commentator in Puerto Rico. Muchas gracias, Juanma.

Hollywood movies and television commercials often give us quick, concise images of people and places along the US-Mexico border. Going beyond those media-made notions towards real understanding is difficult, even impossible. Without firsthand contact. In the nation's capital, there was an attempt to go beyond those media images of the border. It was part of the Smithsonian Institution's annual Festival of American Folklife. But as Franc Contreras reports from Washington, real, cultural understanding required more than a taste of border foods or the sounds of border music.

[Natural sounds of Washington D.C.] Some young guys from Mexicali were standing in a crowd between the Capitol building and the Washington Monument. They wore baggy pants, some had dark glasses, and others' headbands pulled way down low. To some people, they looked like gangsters, but they're not. They're cholos with a distinctive style of dress that comes straight from the border. Suddenly, they started speaking Spanish out loud.

Bueno, aqui pasa todo los dias la patrulla fronteriza. Que tal si sacamos la lengua?

Border patrol goes through here every day. Let's stick our tongues out at them.

[Natural sounds of Folklife Festival] Then from behind a food stamp where some beans were cooking, A guy came out wearing all white with a pointed hood clan style. [Highlight, natural sounds of Folklife Festival] It was the border patrol chasing down one of the Cholos people watching realized it was a play by a theater group from Mexicali, a border town south of California. The actors were hitting one of the main issues on the border, immigration. Their translator is Quique Aviles.

A lot of people complain that they don't understand because the show is being done in Spanish, but at the same time, that's what life is. When Latinos come here, we don't understand either. So, we were talking about that last night. It's sort of like returning the favor.

A woman walked past us, dressed like the Virgin of Guadalupe, the patron saint of Mexico. She went past a display where a man was making guitars by hand, past a group of muralists from El Paso who were painting an eagle, and over to a food stand where a Black woman who speaks only Spanish was serving tamales and Tecate beer, and next to her was a woman from Texas.

We're breaking a lot of preconceived ideas, a lot of biases that perhaps have been most influenced by the media.

Cynthia Vidaurri teaches at the Southwestern Borderlands Cultural Studies and Research Center in Kingsville, Texas. She says, the American Folk Life Festival in Washington is an opportunity not only for people who've never seen the border, but also for people who've come here from the border to share their cultures.

The rest of the world perceives us as what the media makes us out to be, the movies, the news, and they're really thrilled to have a chance to say, this is who we are. We are living, breathing human beings that have the same needs as you do. We just take care of those needs in a slightly different fashion.

That sounds fairly straightforward, and some people walked away from here with more understanding about the people of the borderlands, but not without some effort. At one display, Romi Frias of El Paso was trying to explain to some people from Delaware, what a low rider is, you know, a highly stylized car, usually an older model with small thin tires, maybe a mural painted on the hood and lowered about an inch from the pavement.

[Laughter] I tell people that it's really going to mess you up. You're doing about 55 and there's this monster pothole and you've got about an inch clearance. I've got a lot of friends that face that situation and unfortunately hadn't learned the hard way.

Later under a shaded area, there was a storytelling session. It was supposed to be about women on the border. An Indian woman from the Mexican side sat on the left. On the right was a white woman who works for the US Border Patrol in the middle of the two women sat a university professor. He was monopolizing the discussion. Then at another storytelling session about immigration, the professor was taking over again. Some people in the back were saying it was typical. Here's this white male, the expert, not letting the others talk. After the session, I went over to him and learned his name is Enrique Lamadrid, a man of mixed races whose family migrated to the Americas from France and Spain like many others along the border. His family goes back generations. Lamadrid says he saw many surprised people at the folk fest who learned of the amazing cultural diversity along the border.

I mean, just the amazement that you can see in people's faces when they encounter these two black women over here from the black Seminole community. They're Mexicans. So these are really complex cultural entities.

Complex, like the land where they live. The border is often characterized by clashing cultural forces. Lamadrid says People living on the border cross the international boundary daily, but it's no big deal because it's part of their daily life. And he said the people living along the 2000-mile separating line did not come to the border. It came to them. Then he mentioned a series of treaties between the US and Mexico dating back to the late 18 hundreds. It's a complex history, a balancing act, he says, because the needs of border people compete with the national needs of Washington and Mexico City, and the result of that struggle is border culture.

But culture isn't in your blood. Culture is something that you learn. Culture and identities are things that are negotiated and forged every day of our lives as we live our lives out in specific areas of the country.

Lamadrid told me about a sewer line that broke during the festival Sunday morning. Smelly dark sewer water flooded a small area around some of the exhibits. He and the other said it reminded them of some border towns where pollution has become a major problem. But on the day the sewer broke, people taking part in the American Folk life Festival this year continued their efforts to share their life's experiences as the smell and humidity surrounded them. For Latino USA, I'm Franc Contreras in Washington.

Hector Lavoe, one of Salsa's superstars. Known worldwide as El Cantante de los Cantantes and the Latin Sinatra, died in New York City, June 29th, after a lifetime of music and tragedy. Thousands poured into the streets at his funeral in New York. Fans and musicians, they all came to pay tribute to Hector Lavoe. From New York, Mandalit del Barco prepared this remembrance of a salsa legend.

[Natural sounds of Hector Lavoe performing]

Hector Lavoe was known to his fans as La Cantante de los Cantantes and Sonero de los Soneros, the singer of singers.

[Highlight, Hector Lavoe performing]

On stage with Willie Colon's band and with his own orchestra. He would often urge the crowds to join him in celebrating the people of Latin America. Mi gente, he called them, my people.

He had a clear voice. Hector had very clear voice, diction was very clear.

Quatro player, Yomo Toro remembers being in Willie Colon's band with Hector Lavoe, who used to proudly call himself a jibaro, a hick from Puerto Rico.

Hector was a boy that used to love to be with the poor people. He don't mess with the big society. He don't go for that too much. Sometimes he joke, improvising. Sometimes, he came serious improvising. The town, El Pueblo, love it very much. So Hector was like an idol to the people.

Even Lavoe's reputation for making his fans wait for hours didn't affect his popularity.

The dance start 10 o'clock in the night, and Hector show up about 12 o'clock, two hours after. [Laughter] People was there waiting for Hector and the band was playing alone. When Hector came, they started screaming to Hector, very happy, and they forget about he came late. [Background music, Hector Lavoe] And then the first word that he used to say always was, "It's not that I came late, the reason is that you came too soon." [Laughter]

[Highlight, Hector Lavoe Salsa]

Hector Lavoe was born Hector Juan Perez into a musical family of singers in Ponce, Puerto Rico in 1946. When he was barely six years old, he would sit by the radio, shouting out jibaro songs with singers like Daniel Santos, and Chuito El De Bayamon. [Background Music, Hector Lavoe] Eventually, he left for New York and was soon discovered by Johnny Pacheco of Fania Records who teamed him up with Willie Colon. Pianist Joe Torres worked with Hector Lavoe for 25 years. First in Willie Colon's band, then Lavoe's own orchestra.

And he was a good guy to work with. He would come in and he would party. You always enjoyed playing. That's one thing you did. You looked at his bands, guys were happy on the stage.

Percussionist Milton Cardona remembers how crazy the stage shows could get, like one New Year's Eve gig.

Hector comes out and says, "Well, the queen of welfare just asked us to play La Murga. It started a riot. Before we know it, we're up on the bandstand fighting off just about every guy in that club. I mean, it was like the Alamo, and that's when Hector got his jaw broken. Willie got knocked out unconscious. That was another good night too, yeah.

Former Latin New York magazine publisher, Izzy Sanabria, wrote a biography of Lavoe for a new compilation disc.

But all of a sudden, he was a nobody and boom, immediately made it, and all this attention was too much for him.

He says, while Lavoe sang of life in the streets of Puerto Rico and New York, his own life was filled with tragedies.

Well, his mother died when he was quite young. His brother died as a drug addict on the streets of New York. His 17-year-old son got killed by accident, I think gunshot. His mother-in-law was found stabbed to death in her apartment. I mean, it's just, his house burned down. All kinds of stuff. I think when he jumped, supposedly he jumped out of a window in Puerto Rico. I mean, that was probably some of the stuff that he couldn't take anymore. I mean, he just went through a lot of stuff.

Lavoe never quite recovered from his 1988 suicide attempt and his drug addiction. He spent his last years in hospitals with an amputated leg and living with AIDS. Lavoe was in the hospital listening to a radio tribute to his life and music when he suffered the first of two heart attacks that finally killed him. [Lavoe Music, background] After hearing of his old friend's death, Willie Colon said, "All of Latin America cried for the hero of poor people." He called him Salsa's Martyr, a monster we helped create. "Forgive us, Hector," he wrote in a statement from Spain.

[Highlight--Hector Lavoe music]

Nancy Rodriguez, co-host of New York's, WBAI Radio show, Con Sabor Latino, aired a tribute to Lavoe after his death. She was also at his wake.

I could not believe the outpour of fans that came to pay their respects to Hector Lavoe. It was, to me, like going to a parade, a Puerto Rican day parade. There were thousands and thousands of people waiting on line just to get in, with Puerto Rican flags. They were carrying flowers, everything that represented Puerto Ricans.

The funeral procession wound its way through El Barrio in the Bronx for almost three hours before getting to the cemetery, surrounded by fans. And true to form, Hector Lavoe was even late to his own burial. He might have said it wasn't that he was late, but that death came too early. For Latino USA, I'm Mandalit del Barco in New York.

Today on "Latino USA," Puerto Rico's political future discussed in the U.S. Congress.

We're trying to put once again on the congressional agenda the fact that the United States is a colonial power, that there is a unique and sad relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States.

And baseball goes bilingual.

[Sports Broadcast Recording] Y le muestra la señal, la manda, viene- strike!

Also, a farewell to Afro-Cuban jazz great Mario Bauzá.

Afro-Cuban is Cuban. That's why. I've got to keep a bunch of these Afro-Cuban rhythms.

That and more on "Latino USA." But first, Las Noticias.

The Clinton administration plans to shut down phone services allowing people in this country to call Cuba through Canada. State Department officials say companies advertising toll-free numbers, which link callers to Cuba, may violate the U.S. trade embargo. The embargo against Cuba was established more than 30 years ago and has been expanded in recent years.

Mexican and U.S. commerce officials gathered in San Antonio, Texas, to discuss a North American Free Trade Agreement and infrastructure needs along the U.S.-Mexico border. Already without NAFTA, cross-border trade has quadrupled and the region's population nearly doubled in the last decade, taxing facilities on both sides of the border.

Domingo Gonzalez works with the Texas Center for Policy Studies in Brownsville.

If we increase industrial activity under NAFTA, all of the problems that we have now are going to increase. We hope at the very least that infrastructure is defined in a more beneficial way for us and that we don't get just bridges and more bridges and more bridges.

According to a recent poll, more than 40% of all Americans say they've never heard of the North American Free Trade Agreement.

I'm Maria Martin with news from "Latino USA."

I am Maria Hinojosa.

In November, residents of Puerto Rico will vote on whether they favor independence, statehood, or the current status of commonwealth. Right now, no matter what the result of that vote, it's the U.S. Congress who will decide the final outcome, but not if a resolution proposed by New York Congressman José Serrano is passed.

From Washington, Patricia Guadalupe reports.

Democratic Congressman José Serrano of New York said he introduced the Puerto Rico Self-Determination Resolution as a vehicle so that Congress will finally be forced to act on the status of Puerto Rico.

We're trying to put once again on the congressional agenda the fact that the United States is a colonial power, that there is a unique and sad relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States and that that relationship in a new world climate where the U.S. has been successful in pushing democracy throughout the world, that that democratic principle be extended to the island of Puerto Rico, that the people must have that right.

Supporting Serrano are the other Puerto Rican members of Congress as well as the influential New York Congressman Charles Rangel, who counts a large number of Puerto Ricans among his constituents. Rangel welcomes the resolution because he says Puerto Rico has never been clear in what they want. However, he fears that any changes from the current political situation may not go over well in Congress.

Of course, if they decide on commonwealth, then that's not changing anything and there's no profile encouraged for the Congress to support it. But when you start talking about adding senators, adding members of Congress, looking at the situation in the District of Columbia, revising the tax code, believe me, the prejudice and bigotry that exists in this country is going to be reflected in the Congress. I do hope that these biases can be overcome by legislative and executive leadership.

So when the stated bill is presented in Congress, that would then require a referendum.

All it would be is your bill, and I would treat it as a --

Discussions on the status of Puerto Rico have sometimes created tension between representatives of the island and the Puerto Rican counterparts on the mainland, particularly when it is centered on whether Puerto Ricans who don't live on the island can participate in the November island plebiscite.

At a hearing on the resolution, Democratic Congressman Luis Gutiérrez of Illinois became involved in an exchange with Puerto Rico's Resident Commissioner, Carlos Romero Barceló. Barceló of the ruling statehood party believes only residents of Puerto Rico should participate in the November plebiscite.

Would you vote for it or not?

Would I vote for what?

For the statehood bill?

I would vote for a resolution of the colony of Puerto Rico in which there has been both participation of the Puerto Rican people in a very decolonizing process according to international law and principles.

In other words, you would not vote for the state under those conditions?

Under the conditions that --

The ones that I've expressed to you.

I want to make it categorically and absolutely clear to you and all the members of this body that I would never accept a decision that comes out of a non-binding vote in Puerto Rico, such as the one that is being. And no one suggests it. I think there are many people who are harmonious with me in that statement.

Ironically, this hearing was held on the 95th anniversary of the U.S. Marine invasion of Puerto Rico, shortly after which the island became a possession of the United States.

Carlos Gallisá, President of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, which favors independence for the island, says because of this, no U.S. president has taken Puerto Rico seriously, and a resolution isn't about to change that.

Puerto Rico is not in the agenda of the White House or the U.S. government, and they can care less about colonialism in Puerto Rico. They only move when the United Nations expresses about the Puerto Rican case and tell the Puerto Rican people, those representatives of the foreign countries, that Puerto Rican people exercise its right to self-determination many years ago. Well, it's politics of not confronting the issue, not facing the problem, and I don't see change in that position.

Puerto Rico's Governor, Pedro Rosselló, has said this type of resolution is not necessary. But Rosselló acknowledges that the Congress can do whatever it wants regarding Puerto Rico until there is a congressional mandate.

For "Latino USA," I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington,

Latin jazz great Mario Bauzá died July 11 of cancer in his Manhattan home, just blocks from where I live. Mario Bauzá, an integral part of New York's Latin jazz scene, was 82 years old.

I remember this great musician sitting on a milk crate outside a bodega, surrounded by friends, drinking coffee, and enjoying the simple things of life. You would've never known it by seeing him that this small, tender, smiley man had totally revolutionized American music.

In the 1940s, he influenced popular music by innovating a new musical style which mixed popular Afro-Cuban rhythms with American jazz.

Emilio San Pedro prepared this remembrance of Latin jazz legend Mario Bauzá.

[Afro-Cuban jazz]

Mario Bauzá was first exposed to American jazz in 1926, when he visited New York. In 1930, anxious to become a part of that scene, Bauzá left his native Havana for New York, frustrated that in Cuba, Afro-Cuban music was considered merely the music of the streets, not the music of the sophisticated nightclubs, country clubs, and hotels of pre-revolutionary Havana.

Had to happen outside of Cuba before the Cuban people convinced themself what they had, themself over there. They didn't pay no attention to that. When I got big in United States, Cuba begin to move into that line of music.

[Afro-Cuban jazz]

In the 1930s, Bauzá performed with some of New York's best-known jazz musicians, like Chick Webb and Cab Calloway. In fact, in those days, Bauzá was responsible for introducing singer Ella Fitzgerald to Chick Webb, thus helping to launch her career. It was also Bauzá who gave Dizzy Gillespie his first break, with the Cab Calloway Orchestra.

During their time touring and working with Cab Calloway, Mario Bauzá and Dizzy Gillespie, along with the Afro-Cuban percussionist Chano Pozo, played around with Afro-Cuban rhythm and jazz arrangements and created something entirely new: Afro-Cuban jazz.

[Machito--Sopa de pichon]

In the early 1940s, Mario Bauzá formed the legendary band Machito and his Afro-Cubans, along with his brother-in-law, Francisco Perez, who was called Machito. Bauzá was the musical director of the band, and he composed and arranged some of the group's most memorable songs.

[Machito--Sopa de pichon]

The sensation caused by Machito and his Afro-Cubans and by other Latin musicians in the 1940s made New York the focal point of a vibrant Latin music scene.

It's the scene of the Mambo kings you know, and that's why a lot of people will say Mambo is not Cuban music or it's not Mexican music. Mambo is New York music.

Enrique Fernandez writes about Latin music for the Village Voice.

It was here that this kind of music became very hot, that it really galvanized a lot of people, that had really attracted a lot of musicians from different genres that wanted to jam with it, and that created those great encounters between Latin music practitioners and jazz practitioners, particularly Black American jazz practitioners, that brought all this stuff together that later on, generated salsa and it generated Latin jazz and a lot of other things.

[Machito--Si si no no]

Groups like Machito and his Afro-Cubans were responsible for sparking a Latin dance craze in the United States, from New York to Hollywood. Mario Bauzá's sister-in-law, Graciela Pérez, began singing with Bauzá's orchestra in 1943.

Pero jurate que la música de esta…[transition to English dub] The music made by Machito's orchestra created such a revolution that you could say people began to enjoy because dance schools sprang up to teach the mamba and the guaguanco and all that [transition back to original audio]…el guaguanco todo todo.

Graciela and Mario left Machito's band in 1976 to form their own group, Mario Bauzá and his Afro-Cuban jazz Orchestra. Achieving recognition came slowly for the new band as general audiences lost interest in the traditional Afro-Cuban jazz sounds.

But in the late 1980s, Bauzá's music experienced a resurgence in popularity. His orchestra played to packed houses in the United States, Canada, and Europe. And in the last two years, Bauzá still active and passionate about his music, recorded three albums worth of material.

Meringue, meringue from San Domingo. Cumbia's cumbia from Colombia. Afro-Cuban is Cuban. That's why I've got to keep a bunch of these Afro-Cuban rhythms. Danzón Cubano, la danza Cubano, el bolero Cubano, el cha-cha-cha Cubano, el mambo es Cubano, guaguanco Cubano, la Colombia es Cubana.So I've got to call it Afro-Cuban, yeah.

In a 1991 interview, I spoke with Mario Bauzá about his extraordinary musical output.

You've brought out these great musicians, you've helped create or created Afro-Cuban jazz, brought Latin music and Latins to Broadway.

That's it.

And you're 80 years old.

Yes.

Many people at 80 years old are sitting by the pool or in the rocking chair and whatever. You don't look like it.

You know me. It ain't going to be like that.

What else could you do at this point, what more?

I don't know. I ain't through, I ain't through. I just wanted my music to be elevated. That's why I want to record this suite now. I want to see the word, music is music. You tell me what kind of music. I like any kind of music that we're playing. And that's what I tried to do, present my music different way. Some people might don't like this, don't like that, but when they hear that, they have a right to choose for. That's what I want them to do.

[Mario Bauza--Carnegie Hall 100]

Mario Bauzá worked steadily until his death. He recently released a compact disc on the German record label Messidor called My Time is Now.

For "Latino USA," I'm Emilio San Pedro.

[Mario Bauza--Carnegie Hall 100]

As representatives from the US, Canada, and Mexico prepare to enter into the final round of negotiations regarding the final form of the North American Free Trade Agreement, in San Antonio, Texas, bankers from both countries met recently to discuss infrastructure needs along the 2000-mile stretch between the United States and Mexico. Latino USA's Maria Martin prepared this report.

There is always a lot of talk about what we're going to do and when we're going to do it, what the border does need and what the border does not need.

Commerce Secretary Ron Brown and his Mexican counterpart, Mexico Secretary of Social Development Luis Colosio, touted as a strong possibility to succeed President Salinas, convened the gathering of government officials and some 400 business executives. Represented were some of the largest corporations in the US and Mexico. They came to make deals and to discuss ways to bring badly-needed infrastructure to the border area. A region which, in the last 10 years has seen a dramatic increase in population along with rising environmental pollution and deteriorating roads, bridges and sewer and water systems.

It's a development problem is what it really is. We are dealing with a border that is unique in the world, that is a linkage between the most developed country in the world and relatively poor country of which gap you'll find nowhere else. In Europe, the largest gaps are about a four to one difference. In US/Mexico it's a 10 to 1 difference.

UCLA economist, Raul Hinojosa, says the current discussion regarding financing for border infrastructure in anticipation of NAFTA presents a major challenge, since neither the government of Mexico nor this country will be able to afford the steep price tag of cleaning up and building up the border.

The real issue is how do we get the economies of North America such that there's rising living standards and environmental standards on both sides of the border? That is a concrete problem that is not going to be solved by simply reducing tariffs. That's going to have to mobilize both government and the capitalists of the private sector to get involved jointly in solving the environmental problems and solving the infrastructure and social infrastructure, physical infrastructure, housing, all of these very serious problems

As a way of dealing with those problems, the coalition of Latino organizations calling itself the Latino Consensus on NAFTA has come up with a proposal to establish a North American development bank. According to its proponents, including the National Council of La Raza and the Mexican-American Legal Defense and Education Fund, the so-called NAD Bank would be able to fund 20 billion dollars of infrastructure with 1 billion of startup investment. Antonio Gonzalez of the Southwest Voter Research Institute in Los Angeles was at the finance conference advocating for the development bank proposal.

This was the only viable proposal put on the table. People heard it. People saw it. The media grabbed onto it, and I think very soon the administration may indeed embrace the development bank as the kind of third pillar of his NAFTA package. First pillar being NAFTA. Second pillar being the supplementary negotiations on labor and environmental. Third pillar being the development bank or financing mechanism, and the still missing element would be the new package of current US laws to retrain and support displaced workers.

Legislation to establish a North American Development Bank has been introduced in Congress by California representative Esteban Torres. But others say the development bank may not be the best way to finance border infrastructure, that perhaps existing institutions such as the Inter-American Bank could do the job. Still another idea is to establish a border transaction fee. Economist Hinojosa, a proponent of the development bank believes this solution is not viable considering the present economic reality along the border.

These are already poor communities right now, and you're going to be taxing the trade that you're going to try to enhance, in fact, for the benefits on both sides of the border.

The next few weeks will be key for the future of the North American Free Trade Agreement. As negotiations on the treaty and supplementary agreements on labor standards and the environment continue, and as proponents and opponents of the treaty gear up for the final vote in Congress. Meanwhile, polls show many Americans haven't even heard of NAFTA and in the Latino community there's been a steady erosion in support for the treaty as concern has grown about the possibility of job losses to Mexico. Latino organizations lobbying for NAFTA have their work cut out for them. Andy Hernandez of San Antonio Southwest Voter Research Institute spent the day following the finance conference in San Antonio, planning a strategy to advocate for the Latino consensus position on NAFTA.

So, I think the way we answer is this; you don't solve the job flight problem by taking down NAFTA. You can build a NAFTA with the side agreements to protect workers' rights on both sides of the border. And frankly, what the opponents of NAFTA have not been able to answer to us and where Chicano labor is not [unintelligible]. How do things get better if NAFTA's defeated? Are we going to have fewer jobs leaving or are we going to have more political will to clean up the environment? Are we going to have any focus at all upon our populations along the border?

If NAFTA becomes the reality, it would create the world's largest free-trade zone, removing virtually all barriers to trade and investment throughout North America. From the Yukon to the Yucatan, I'm Maria Martin reporting.

Will the predatory Statue of Liberty, devour the Virgin of Guadalupe, or are they merely going to dance a sweaty cumbia. Will Mexico become a toxic and cultural waste dump of the US and Canada? Who will monitor the behavior of the three governments? Given the exponential increase of American trash and media culture in Mexico, what will happen to our indigenous traditions, social and cultural rituals, language, and national psyche? Will the future generations become hyphenated Mexican-Americans, brown-skinned gringos and canochis or upside-down Chicanos? And what about our northern partners? Will they slowly become Chi-Canadians, Waspbacks and Anglomalans? Whatever the answers are, NAFTA will profoundly affect our lives in many ways. Whether we like it or not, a new era has begun and the new economic and cultural topography has been designed for us. We must find our new place and role within this new federation of US republics.

Latino USA commentator Guillermo Gomez-Pena is an award-winning performance artist based in California. In 1991, he was a recipient of a MacArthur Genius Grant. Well, what do you think of NAFTA? Give us a call and leave a brief message at 1-800-535-5533.

I'm Maria Martin. Today on Latino USA, the administration's plans to crack down on illegal immigration.

The simple fact is that we must not and we will not surrender our borders to those who wish to exploit our history of compassion and justice.

Also, a possible change in US Cuba relations and a religious group's challenge to the Cuban embargo.

We're taking such dangerous things as powdered milk, pharmaceuticals.

And updating the Latin American folk music called La Nueva Canción.

There's always somebody out there trying to produce new stuff, and that's what Nueva Canción is all about.

That's all coming up on Latino USA, but first, Las Noticias.

You're listening to Latino USA. As a response to Cuba's economic crisis, premier Fidel Castro says Cubans may now legally possess American dollars and that more visas will be granted to exiles wishing to visit relatives on the island. Meanwhile, the State Department has issued new regulations permitting US phone companies to do business with Cuba. From Miami, Emilio San Pedro has more.

The new guidelines on telephone communications will make it easier for telephone companies to expand their service to Cuba. They also call for US phone companies to split revenues 50/50 with Cuba's telephone company. This has led some people to see this as a significant easing of the economic embargo against Cuba, but others in the Cuban exile community questioned the move because the government of Fidel Castro stands to earn in excess of 30 million dollars a year from improved telephone communications with the United States. According to businessman Teo Babun Jr. of Cuba USA Ventures, the guidelines just announced by the State Department were actually included in the Cuban Democracy Act signed into law last year. He says they don't really represent a softening of the economic embargo of Cuba.

A softening of the embargo would necessitate creating either a new bill or a retreating from some action that the United States had already announced. And in the case of this act, it is not a change, but rather it's just a development, if you will, or an announcement of the specific guidelines of a bill that had already been announced.

The State Department echoes the view that while the new guidelines do carve out a niche for Cuba to do business with the United States, they do not represent a departure from US law now governing the embargo. The next step is for us phone companies to begin negotiations with the Cuban telephone company using the new guidelines. Before that happens, the Cuban government wants the US to address its demand for the release of 85 million dollars of phone revenues earned by Cuba now being held in escrow in US banks. For Latino USA, I'm Emilio San Pedro.

That's news from Latino USA, Vidal Guzman.

I'm Maria Hinojosa. Today on Latino USA, remembering a 20-year-old case of police misconduct.

Santos is a symbol of what was happening to the Mexican-American community and the African-American community back in 1973. It can never happen again. It's like those bumper stickers: Remember Santos, nunca mas. Because there were a lot of other Santos' all throughout the United States. There's a lot of other Rodney Kings.

And the musical legacy of Cachao, the creator of the Mambo.

Cachao has been, in a sense, overlooked for his contributions musically to the world of music. Musicians know of him and anyone would say, "Oh, he's the master," but in terms of the general public, he's been really ignored.

That's all coming up on Latino USA. But first, las noticias.

This is news from Latino USA. I'm Maria Martin. The struggle over the North American free trade agreement continues to intensify. Even as treaty negotiations draw to a close, supporters and opponents of NAFTA heat up the lobbying effort for votes in Congress. Among vocal opponents of NAFTA coming to Capitol Hill recently were members of Mexico's opposition Democratic Revolutionary Party. From Washington, Patricia Guadalupe reports.

While Mexican president Carlos Salinas de Gortari has staked his political reputation on passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement, Congressman Miguel Huerta of Mexico's Democratic Revolutionary Party said he had to come to Washington to tell his counterparts here that the North American Free Trade Agreement would hurt citizens of both countries.

It's not the problem that because we are opposed to Salinas, we are opposed to NAFTA. It's not... that's not the argument. We are opposed to some fundamental chapters of this NAFTA because it's bad for the citizen of the two countries. We are opposed to NAFTA because some chapters and some principles establishing the NAFTA are opposed to the interest of citizens of Mexico, of United States, and of Canada.

Since then, six Democratic senators have sent a letter to President Clinton, urging him to renegotiate the free-trade agreement. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe, in Washington.

The incident that happened 20 years ago with Santos Rodriguez certainly cast a shadow or a cloud over the city of Dallas.

Santos is a symbol, a symbol of what was happening to the Mexican-American community and the African-American community back in 1973.

20 years ago this summer, a 12-year-old boy named Santos Rodriguez was killed by Dallas police officer Darrell Cain. The incident occurred after the boy and his brother were pulled from their beds in the middle of the night, accused of breaking into a soda machine at a gas station. The boys denied taking part in the robbery. Santos was killed when Officer Cain attempted to wring a confession from him by playing Russian Roulette with a loaded gun. The incident ignited protests in Chicano communities throughout the country, and recently members of the Latino community in Dallas held a full day of events to commemorate Santos' life and death.

[Background--Hymns]

A memorial service for Santos Rodriguez was held at the Santuario de Guadalupe in downtown Dallas, just south of the neighborhood called Little Mexico. Now mostly an African-American neighborhood, back in 1973 it was the heart of the Mexican barrio.

In 1973 I was 14 years old and I didn't know Santos even though I lived about three blocks from his house.

Now, a member of the Dallas City Council, Domingo Garcia recalls the early seventies when Santos was killed, as a time when minorities had absolutely no political clout in Dallas. "We were invisible Dallasites," he says. "Vulnerable to mistreatment by authorities." He himself remembers being stopped often by the police.

Being put up against the wall and pressed. What was my crime? Happened to be brown, happened to be young, happened to be on the streets, especially if it was after dark. And it wasn't like just one time, it was just common, and it wasn't just common to me, it was common to most of my friends. And so, in that type of environment, the police were seen not as the people who protected you, who were there to serve and to protect, but in essence as an occupying force. And when you see that type of relationship between a community and a police department and in a political establishment, then you see the tragic consequences of what happened to Santos Rodriguez.

We're trying to make correction within the police department. That's the reason the Latino Police Officers Association formed nearly two years ago.

Dallas Police Officer Gil Cerda, President of the Dallas Latino Police Officers Association, says that, "20 years after the death of Santos Rodriguez, there are still problems with the city police department."

20 years ago it was more blunt. Hispanic police officers would face discrimination on a daily basis. Today it's faced covert. In other words, they're not going to come out flat outright and tell you, "Hey, you know what? I don't like Hispanic officers being on the police department," but it's out there.

Dallas police spokesperson, Sandra Ortega de King says, despite two shootings of Mexican men by Dallas police officers in recent years, the relationship between the city's police department and the Latino community is better, more lenient, she says than ever before.

They are listening a little bit more to the community because the community within the Dallas area has grown. Population of the Hispanics has grown so dramatically. Just the city of Dallas is 20% Hispanic.

Councilman Garcia believes relations between the police and the Hispanic community of Dallas have come a long way since the death of Santos Rodriguez, as the Latino community has grown and slowly become a part of the city's political structure.

As a police department is diversified, we've seen that now the police department is looked on on a more favorable light. Crime has gone down and the amount of police abuses has gone down. Before Santos, police abuse was institutional and systematic. After Santos it became more sort of haphazard. What we need to learn about Santos Rodriguez's death, is that it can never happen again. It's like those bumper stickers. Remember Santos, nunca mas, because there were a lot of other Santos' all throughout the United States, there's a lot of other Rodney Kings.

City council member Domingo Garcia of Dallas, Texas.

Pope John Paul II made his first visit to the United States since 1987. The pontiff along with 170,000 Catholics from around the world came to celebrate World Youth Day. A commemoration of Catholicism and religious worship. American Catholic clergy are hoping that as a result of the fanfare, traditionally Catholic Latino communities will renew their interest in the church. But as Ancel Martinez reports from Denver, many Catholic parishes are confronted with apathy and a church parishioners feel is sometimes too conservative.

[Church Bells]

One parish that wants to avoid the image of state Catholicism in apathy among Catholics is our Lady of Guadalupe. It's Adobe and Brick colonial style church and courtyard is just across the railroad tracks from Denver’s sleek office buildings. The pastor just ended a three-week fast to protest gangs that dominate summer street life around here. Our Lady Guadalupe is housing, hundreds of pilgrims celebrating World Youth Day. Church Deacon Alfonso Sandoval says for Mexican Americans it should be a time for reflection.

If anything, like I say, part of their culture is their faith in going to church. I think that the presence of the Holy Father is going to be significant for the youth in the sense that they were starting to drift away, not attending mass and not attending sacraments wasn't important for them, it just was not a priority. There's a lot of other priorities going on in their lives, but with this visit, I think it'll help a lot of them just take stock of what their faith's really all about.

The Pope chose Denver as the biannual World Youth Day site because it's a relatively young city and its Hispanic population represents the fastest growing segment of the church in America. But the nearly all Anglo national conference of Catholic bishops only grasped in the 1980s how important Latinos are to the survival of the American church. Father Lorenzo Ruiz works these streets reaching out to Chicanos and Latin American immigrants.

This is an area where the American church, the Anglo-American church and the Hispanic church met. The American church took over this area and again, they were not sensitized or aware of the church already existing here, totally unaware of the fact that there was a church here and people with a different culture and different values and a different way of expressing wonderful and beautiful Catholicism.

When Mexican Americans were ignored, that's when the separations began with the traditional Catholic Church, such as the new Mexican set known as the Penitentes decades ago. And even today, evangelical churches are making inroads to a once all Catholic culture.

[Church music and signing]

The Church of Christ Elam holds thrice weekly services in the basement of the circa 1900s Methodist church in the center of Denver's Latino neighborhood. Furnishings are minimal, fold up chairs, linoleum floor, and a small stage, several teenagers sing, a few dozen followers wave their hands and clutch Bibles, Pastor Manuel Alvarez, explains Catholicism simply isn't spiritual enough for many, so they seek other faiths.

They found something that is not a religious but a new experience with God when they can talk to God and have a relationship with God, not with religious or not with that organization, but a special relationship with Jesus Christ.

The Vatican is now paying special attention to Latinos in the United States because in part of their support of conservative issues like the ban on women serving as priest and opposition to artificial birth control and abortion, but there are even schisms among Latinos. Sister Irene Muñoz works for the Denver Catholic Archdiocese Hispanic outreach program.

I know women are speaking out and saying we want a fuller role in the church in many ways, and I truly see that. I truly believe that women are called to do more than perhaps what we're doing. And I know there are many of our sisters, my sisters that are called even more into become ordained priest and they were saying, look at us, listen to us.

The challenges facing the church in its quest to resolve these issues as well as retain Catholic Hispanics will remain long after the excitement of the pope's visit to Colorado in this continent subsides. For Latino USA I'm Ancel Martinez in Denver.

This is news from Latino USA. I'm Maria Martin.

Today I'm pleased to announce that the governments of the United States, Mexico, and Canada-

Now that the governments of North America have agreed on labor and environmental accords to the North American Free Trade Agreement, President Clinton has named a NAFTA czar. He's William Daley, brother of current Chicago Mayor Richard Daley. It'll be his job as head of the administration's task force on NAFTA to push the free trade agreement through a still undecided Congress.

Latino students are enrolling in higher education in greater numbers than other minority groups. These numbers according to the Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities, HACU, will continue to grow as the end of the baby boom results in fewer young non-minorities. But according to the National Institute of Independent Colleges and Universities, US institutions of higher learning are not doing enough to prepare for the upcoming influx of Latino students. According to the Census Bureau, the Hispanic population is expected to rise from 24 million in 1992 to 41 million by the year 2050. In the year 2010, there will be nearly 3 million Hispanics ages 18 to 21. I'm Maria Martin, you're listening to Latino USA.

After months of protracted talks, negotiators for the United States, Canada, and Mexico have reached agreement on side accords to the North American Free Trade Agreement. But not everyone is happy with the final consensus, not labor, not environmental groups. Not even an organization called the Latino Consensus on NAFTA, a coalition of groups which generally support NAFTA. From Washington, Patricia Guadalupe has more.

The agreement reached includes oversight commissions that will monitor environmental and labor standards in Mexico, the United States, and Canada. Sanctions and fines are established for failure to obey labor and environmental laws. US trade representative Mickey Kantor called it, "A momentous pact that raises the standard of living for the three countries."

For the first time a free trade agreement covers workers' rights and the environment. This will serve as a model in the future.

But the same groups the negotiators were trying to appease are still not convinced. Labor and environmental groups attacked the agreement saying it didn't go far enough. Ron Carey is president of the Teamsters Union.

President Clinton made it very clear the protections that he would be looking at and the kinds of things that were important to him were raising the wages, protecting the environment, and providing good jobs for Americans. Well, these side agreements simply don't do that. American corporations through this agreement are encouraged more than ever to move to Mexico. So, when you look at that from our perspective and from working people in this country, what you see is that corporations get NAFTA and working people in this country get shafta.

There are even those who want a trade agreement but don't like the accords reached. One of those groups is the Latino Consensus, an Association of National Hispanic Organizations that support NAFTA. They are not happy with what the negotiators agreed to regarding the financing of border projects. The Latino Consensus wanted a bank that would not just finance border activity or just concentrate on environmental projects. The financing mechanism agreed to only addresses conditions at the border. Trade policy analysts, Mary Jo Marion of the National Council of La Raza, which is part of the consensus, said that, "This agreement was hastily put together and she doesn't feel it does enough to convince those members of Congress who remain undecided."

We have now formed a block in Congress of people that are on the fence that are part of this bill, they're saying, "If we get the NADBank or most of it, then we can vote for the free trade agreement." I don't think that the administration can afford to ignore that. I mean, they haven't got enough votes. They need to work with us and the proposal that they now have, even with the side agreements are not going to be enough.

A tough fight awaits NAFTA when Congress returns in September, especially in the House of Representatives, even in President Clinton's own Democratic Party. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

With us to discuss the implications of the agreement and the future of NAFTA are three reporters who have been keeping their eyes and their ears on free trade. Richard Gonzalez of National Public Radio, Jose Carreño of the Mexican daily El Universal, and Latino USA's, Washington correspondent Patricia Guadalupe, who's also a reporter for the Hispanic Link News Service. Bienvenidos to all of you. Let's look at to what was actually agreed to in this final round. What about the side agreements and what protections do they offer for labor and the environment on all sides of the border? Richard?

I think what they offer is basically a very complicated, long, convoluted process by which a government entity, a private company, a public agency or an individual might file a complaint saying that one country is not enforcing its own labor and environmental laws. It does nothing about addressing the inadequacy of any laws, but just talks about enforcing laws that are now in the books. And so it sets up this process, if one believes that the process can work, then one thinks that these side agreements are good. If you don't think the process is going to work, then you don't think that the side agreements are any good.

Jose Carreño, from the Mexican perspective will this be good? Will this work or are these more faults in the treaty?

God, that is a great question because it is a completely untried territory, this kind of agreements that has never been done before. So as Richard say, if you believe in those, you think that they will, you hope that they will work. If you do not believe in them, you think that they won't work, but it's completely unchartered territory. There is nothing like this as far I know anywhere else.

Well, the conventional wisdom has it that US based Latinos have a lot to gain from this treaty. Is that still the case with the final version of NAFTA? Are Latinos in this country going to benefit more or less?

I think it depends on who you speak to. I mean, the Latino Consensus, a group of Latinos who want further participation in NAFTA want a treaty, but some of the final details, they don't agree with us. For instance, the financing of a development bank. They agree with the idea, but they don't like the final outcome.

I think that's a very hard question because you really don't know how much it'll benefit the population in general or not, or how much will it harm it. The truth though is that at this point there is this sort of political haggling going around and, "Okay, if you want my support, you will have to give me something."

If the question is, will Latinos in the US say benefit from NAFTA? The answer depends on who you are, where you live, and what you do. If you are a Chicano entrepreneur in the border states, you're likely to do very well by NAFTA. If you are an industrial worker in the Northeast or in the Midwest, you're probably in a situation where your company might find it advantageous to move your job to Mexico, in which case you become a loser. And because of these various circumstances, you see that the Congressional Hispanic Caucus here in Washington up on Capitol Hill is very divided on NAFTA. As one caucus member said to me, "Whenever you bring up NAFTA, you really have to watch your table manners," because people have very strong opinions pro and against inside the Congressional Hispanic Caucus.

What kind of a timeline are we looking at and will it be passed or will it not be passed by Congress?

Well, if you had the vote right now, no. Absolutely not. And then there's also the discussions of what healthcare reform and all the other issues that are going up on Capitol Hill. Then the average person here wants that before the treaty. I mean, I don't think the average person has been following NAFTA as much as the press and business people are.

Look, up to now I might say, I think that has been basically inside the beltway issue.

Absolutely.

The population in general has heard only slogans both in favor or against and has sort of decided its position in base of slogans, but the population hasn't heard hard facts, not as well. The Congress itself is, I could bet that most of some of the people who are in favor and some of the people who are against doesn't even have an idea of what they're talking about.

I think what we're seeing is that we'll find the administration will be ready to send this up to the hill sometime in early October after they've sent the healthcare package up to Congress and we won't have a vote until November, maybe even as late as December. So once they send it up to The Hill in October, there's 90 days in which Congress has to act and they're really pushing to get this done by January 1st. Whether it will pass, like Patricia said, today it would not pass. But the vote is not going to be held today. It's going to be held after two or three months of a very nasty, ugly debate. And so I don't think you can place of bet either way.

Well, thank you very much, muchas gracias, for joining us on Latino USA's Reporters Roundtable. Richard Gonzalez of National Public Radio, Jose Carreño of the Mexican daily El Universal, and Latino USA's Washington correspondent Patricia Guadalupe. Muchas gracias.

[Highlight--Music--El Vez] You're pretty el vez, stand in line, make love to you baby, till next time. Cuz I'm El Vez. I spell 'H' hombre, hombre...(Cover of I'm a Man--Bo Diddley)

16 years after the death of Elvis Presley. Elvis lives in many forms. For instance, the dozens of Elvis impersonators out there, the teen Elvis, the Black Elvis, the Jewish Elvis, flying Elvis's galore. Pues, what do you think of an Elvis con salsa, or the Elvis for Aztecs? With us on Latino USA is someone who's been called, not an Elvis impersonator, but an Elvis translator. He's Robert Lopez of East Los Angeles, also known as El Vez, the Mexican Elvis. So tell me about it, Robert Lopez. Why Elvis for the Latino community?

Well, I'll tell you, there are more than dozens. There's actually thousands of Elvis impersonators. There are more Elvis impersonators than people realize. Elvis impersonators in all United States and all over different countries. So, it's like we're our own minority.

[Está Bien Mamacita--El Vez]

I would say about 15% of Elvis's impersonators are Latino. You'd be surprised because all over California and all in Illinois, there are many other Latino Elvis impersonators. But I'm the first Mexican Elvis, I take my heritage and make it part of my show.

So when and how did el espíritu, the spirit, of Elvis possess you?

[Laughter] Well, I used to curate a art gallery in Los Angeles called La Luz de Jesus we were a folk art gallery. And I curated a show all on Elvis Presley. And I had always been an Elvis fan, but all this Elvis exposure just kind of made me go over the edge. And I had met some friends and they were saying, "Well, Robert, you should go to Memphis because every year they have this Elvis tribute," which is kind of like Dia de los Muertos for Elvis. It's like a big festival of swap meets, fan clubs, Elvis impersonators galore. And so I said, "Okay, I'm going to go." I had dared myself to go to Memphis and do the show. I would say, "Okay, I'll do El Vez, the Mexican Elvis." And I wrote the songs on ... Rewrote the songs on the plane, and my main idea was to play with the boombox in front of the people waiting in front of Graceland. But as luck would have it, I got on a Elvis impersonator show, and the showrunner was so big, by the time I got back in LA it was already in the LA Times. So, El Vez, the Mexican Elvis had been born.

[Transition--Music--El Vez]

Some people have called you a cross-cultural caped crusader singing for truth, justice and the Mexican-American way. So for you, it's more than just musical entertainment, you've got a message here in the music that you're bringing.

Yeah, well, first of all, I do love Elvis and I'm the biggest Elvis fan, and you can see that when you see the show. But it's like I do try to show the cross-culture. Elvis is the American dream or part of the American dream. I mean, there's many American dreams, but Elvis was part of the American dream. But I feel that American dream, poor man, start really with nothing to become the most famous, biggest entertainment tour of all the world is not just a job for a white man. It's for a Black man. It's for a Chinese man. It's for an immigrant. It's for a Mexican. It's for a woman. It can happen to anyone. And so rather than just say, "Okay, this is a white man's dream in a white United States," I change it and I show everyone they can make it fit to their story too.

[Singing] One two three four, I'm caught in a trap, do do do do. I can't walk out, because my foots caught in this border fence, do do do do do. Why can't you see, statue of liberty, I am your homeless, tired and weary...

[Immigration Time--El Vez]

What do you think Elvis would've thought of you singing and changing the words to the songs?

Oh, he would've enjoyed it very, he'd say, "El Vez, I like your show very much." He would like it.

Some of the songs that you've changed, I just want to go through some of the names because I think that they're so wonderful. I mean, instead of Blue Suede shoes, you have ...

Huaraches azul. Instead of That's Alright Mama, Esta Bien Mamacita. One of my favorites is [singing] ‘You ain’t nothing but a chihuahua, yapping all the time’. We start the show with the lighter easy songs, the familiar ones, and then we get them with the one-two punch and get them talking about political situations, sexual situations, and rock and roll situations.

[En el Barrio--El Vez] En el barrio, people dont you understand, this child needs a helping hand, or he's going to be an angry young man one day. Take a look at you and me-

Robert Lopez, also known as El Vez, is now negotiating with the producers of The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air for a possible TV sitcom. He'll also be playing Las Vegas for the first time.

From Austin, Texas, I'm Maria Martin for Latino USA.

Summer may be drawing to a close, but for as long as the warm weather lasts, Latinos in one area of New York City make their summer getaway to Orchard Beach. Located in the Bronx, Orchard Beach is the hottest spot every weekend for free outdoor salsa and merengue shows, and for Latino politicians to campaign for votes. Mainly, though, it's a place where Latino New Yorkers can just relax. Mandalit del Barco prepared this sound portrait of Orchard Beach.

Yo, this is Orchard Beach in the boogie-down Bronx, the Puerto Rican Riviera.

If you can't get out of the city on vacation, this is the place to go. This is our version of Cancun, our version of Puerto Rico.

Tell you about this beach. It's blacks, whites, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, Indians, Iranians, you name it. [Laughter] But uh-

This beach is full of culture you know. This beach, you got all kind of Latin Americans. Dominicans, Puerto Ricans, Colombians, Cubans. Get all kind of heritage walking around and having a good time, dancing. There's music bands over there.

[Highlight--Music--Cuban music]

I love it here because you don't see your brother, your sister, for 20 years. Hey brother, remember me? Oh, remember, I was your wife a long time ago? [Laughter]

This is the only place that we come here to forget, and not be- right, enjoy the summer. Because it's good being here, you know away from things, away from problems, away from home.

What do you try to forget about when you're here?

Stress.

Stress. Stress. Problems. Stress.

Work, accounting. Living in the ghetto, which is the most toughest part.

Right. When you come here, everything is different. When you go back home, you're back to the same old thing, same old-

Mostly we're all in projects. You know bad neighborhood, worrying about looking over our shoulders. So, this is a place where we just get away. Everybody's just being themselves, hanging out. We don't have to worry about someone coming behind us and trying to do something. This is relaxing. That's why we come here.

Everybody's trying to get away from that bad environment out there. You know what I'm saying? The shooting and the drugs and all that. Over here, it's not a bad environment. I'm saying, you don't see too many fights over here. I haven't seen a fight broke out yet. If anything, everybody likes trying to help each other. I come here to try have a nice time with my family. Have a few beers, smoke a blunt. You know what I mean?

Yeah. Really. Forget about everyday work and get out of the hot steamy streets, dirty filthy streets and stuff.

Do you ever go into the water?

Not really. I don't like going in that water, cause it's filthy. That's the truth. Where's everybody at? Look, the sand. Very few in the water. And if they're in the water, they're only in up to their knees. That's about it.

I just got to say, the water is very polluted.

Look what happened to his face. It's all red. Jellyfish got in his face.

Yeah, it hurts. It hurts a lot.

I saw there was lot of suckers in there. I wouldn't get in the pool now. I wouldn't put my finger on the pool.

It's not about going in the water. The water's no good. It's just about hanging out on the boardwalk and meeting people.

That's America. You know what I mean? Turn loose. That's what it's all about. You could be you, here in Orchard Beach. It's a symbol of all cultures exposing and expressing what America's about in one little corner of the world. [Laughter]

[Highlight--Music--Cuban music]

Our summertime audio snapshot of Orchard Beach, the Bronx, was produced by Mandalit del Barco.

Before the revolution that brought Fidel Castro to power, jazz music flowed freely from this country to Cuba and back. That musical cross-pollination has been more difficult in recent years, though. However, Cuban jazz pianist Gonzalo Rubalcaba made history this summer when he was permitted to play in the United States for the very first time. Alfredo Cruz reports.

[Recordando a Tschaikowsky--Gonzalo Rubalcaba]

During the first half of this century, Cuban music was a very popular source of entertainment in the United States. The Mambo y cha-cha-cha, and other rhythms dominated radio waves and dance halls across the country. Cuban music was being heard here, and jazz over there. But in 1959, following the Cuban Revolution, all cultural and political connections between the two countries were cut. And in Cuba, jazz became a Yankee imperialist activity. Playing or listening to jazz was done in an underground clandestine manner. Since then, things have changed. For one, the Havana International Jazz Festival, now in its 14th year, has attracted world-class musicians and helped raise the social and political acceptance of jazz in Cuba. But as pianist Gonzalo Rubalcaba says, it wasn't easy.

Bueno, principio en los años sesenta, y parte de los setentas…[transition to English dub] In the early '60s and through part of the '70s, it was very difficult getting people to understand the importance of supporting jazz and the increasing number of young Cuban musicians heading in this direction. Today, however, there can not be, and there isn't any misunderstanding or political manipulation of jazz or Cuban jazz musician [transition to original audio] …interpretación por parte de los musico Cuba.

[Mi Gran Pasion--Gonzalo Rubalcaba]

At 30 years of age, Gonzalo Rubalcaba is considered one of Cuba's premier pianists. His father played with the orchestra of Cha-cha-cha inventor Enrique Jorrín, and later became one of Cuba's most popular band leaders. Gonzalo himself played with the legendary Orquesta Aragón while still a teenager, but it is through his solo playing that Gonzalo has made his mark in Cuba and around the world. Because of political differences, however, the United States audience remained out of reach to Cuban jazz and musicians like Rubalcaba.

[Simbunt Ye Contracova--Gonzalo Rubalcaba]

Bueno Estados Unidos debió ser uno de los primeros escenario…[transition to English dub] The United States should have been one of the first places for me to play. But since 1989, there's been a mystique and anticipation surrounding my not being allowed to enter this country. Very simply put, it's been a politically motivated maneuver to not grant me a performance visa, and has nothing to do with artistic or musical considerations. But now, my first appearance in this country, I think signals that we are entering a new era. But that doesn't mean I haven't had any contact with American musicians, because I've played with many in Cuba and in festivals around the world [transition to original audio]…contacto con músicos Norte Americanos.

American bassist Charlie Haden met and played with Gonzalo Rubalcaba in Switzerland at the 1989 Montreux International Jazz Festival and brought him to the attention of Blue Note Records. Haden, along with Blue Note executives and Lincoln Center in New York City, negotiated with the US State Department to grant the young pianist a performance visa. And finally, in what seems to have been a political icebreaker last May 14th, Gonzalo Rubalcaba made his US debut performance before a sold-out audience at Lincoln Center.

[No name (Live at Lincoln Center)--Gonzalo Rubalcaba]

Nueva dirección, del viento, el aire lleva…[transition to English dub] There's been a change of wind, politically speaking, a relaxation of attitudes and perceptions that are now opening the doors to dialogue in an effort to eliminate tensions. And it seems to me that this is a common goal of both Cuba and the United States. Even though we still can't really speak of this in practical terms, but ideally, this could be the beginning of normalizing relations between the two countries [transition to original audio]…esto podría ser un pequeño parte de eso, un comienzo.

[Unknow Track--Gonzalo Rubalcaba]

Many artists in both countries do agree that a relaxation of political policy between Cuba and the United States would be a positive development. And Rubalcaba's US debut has generated a renewed optimism within the cultural community, even though the visa he was issued allowed him to play only one concert, and on the condition that he would not be paid. Recently, Gonzalo Rubalcaba's recording, entitled Suite 4 y 20, was released in this country on the Blue Note record label. For Latino USA, I'm Alfredo Cruz in Newark, New Jersey.

[Simbunt Ye Contracova--Gonzalo Rubalcaba]

You're listening to Latino USA. Government officials from states along the US-Mexico border came together for a border summit in El Paso, Texas. On the agenda, how to pay for improving infrastructure projects. Luis Saenz of station KTEP reports.

Texas Congressman Ron Coleman, who convened the border summit, says, "It is unfair for border residents to pick up the tab in preparation of a North American free trade agreement." Coleman specifically opposes a proposal by house majority leader Richard Gephardt to levy a special tax on border businesses. Coleman says, "No one has asked people along the Mississippi to pay for flood damage, so why should the border be any different?"

It seems to me illogical, then, that something that benefits the entire United States, meaning international world trade and commerce, people of America would ask people along the border to pay for.

Coleman says, instead of taxing border communities, the government should use the money collected from duties at the various ports of entries to pay for infrastructure projects. For Latino USA, I'm Luis Saenz in El Paso, Texas,

There was another free trade-related summit in Tijuana, Mexico. This went to form a community-based agenda regarding NAFTA. Joseph Leon has this report.

Hundreds of people representing US and Mexican environmental labor groups met to discuss the North American Free Trade Agreement. The US, Mexican, and Canadian governments believe that NAFTA will tend to the economic and environmental needs of the communities throughout North America. But for the community groups, the agreement will accomplish quite a different goal. Mike Guerrero of the Southwest Organizing Project in New Mexico.

The North American Free Trade Agreement, as it's negotiated now, has nothing to do with free trade. For them to increase their profit margins means cutting our wages, cutting environmental regulations, cutting social services, and that's basically what it's all about.

Those who met in Tijuana hope to influence the public's opinion on NAFTA before the Congress issues their vote in the coming months. For Latino USA, I'm Joseph Leon.

After a week of continuous protests in which Cuban exiles went on hunger strikes and burned Mexican flags and sombreros, the Mexican government reversed their stand and granted visas to the eight Cuban rafters they had originally repatriated to Cuba. Ninoska Perez of the Cuban-American National Foundation assisted the Cuban refugees in obtaining visas to come to the United States.

The Cuban exile community has shown that it does not forget the people in the island. It has shown that their voices and their actions were able to finally get something, which is really an unprecedented event, which is the return of refugees who had been deported to Cuba. This had never happened before.

But the protests against the Mexican government upset members of Miami's Mexican-American community. Susan Reina of South Dade was on a committee of Mexican-Americans that issued a press release expressing their anger at the Cuban exiles burning of the Mexican flag.

We understand that they were very upset of what happened, but they really acted very irresponsibly as far as that is concerned. I mean, what was the whole purpose of burning a Mexican flag? If they wanted to get back to President Salinas, you don't do it by burning a Mexican hat because number one, the president doesn't wear those kind of hat. Those hats are worn by common people.

Members of the Cuban-American community have apologized to the Mexican-American community for the negative reaction against Mexicans on the part of what they say is a small percentage of Cubans in Miami, but Mexican-American leaders in Miami say that healing the relations between the two Latino groups may take a while. For Latino USA, I'm Emilio San Pedro in Miami.

[Guitar music, transition] I'm Maria Hinojosa. 75,000 people descended on the nation's capital on a train August Saturday to commemorate a historic civil rights march, which took place on another hot August day 30 years ago.

[Archival sound] Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and all hill of Mississippi.

Although some things have changed for the better in the three decades since Dr. King articulated his vision for equality and justice, this year's march found many people, including many Latinos, seeking to improve their situation in this country. Latino USA's Patricia Guadalupe was at the march and filed this report.

When Martin Luther King Jr. stood on these steps 30 years ago today, he challenged people of goodwill across our nation to rise up and live out the true meaning of his creed.

Coretta Scott King, widow of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., addressed a much smaller crowd in that which heard her husband 30 years ago. She spoke of the same things he did, the need for more jobs and into prejudice and a more peaceful world. Many at the recent march acknowledged that progress had been made in those areas, but they said much remains to be done, especially in improving the lives of Latinos. Carmen Gonzalez of New York City said she came to the march to fight for more jobs.

Things are not going too well for many people. There are too many unemployed. They're not jobs. There's nothing out there really. There's a lot of college grads who are looking for jobs. They can't find anything.

Do you think that this march is going to change things?

We're trying. We're trying to enforce something by being united. We're trying to see, we're trying to foresee if the President will do something for us.

According to the Joint Center for Political Studies in Washington, living conditions have gotten worse for Hispanics in the last 30 years. Since 1963, there has been a 10% increase in Hispanic poverty levels, particularly in urban areas where figures show 60% unemployment among Hispanics.

Almost 10% more Hispanics and Asians live in poverty today than did in 1963. More poor whites drop out before high school graduations.

Young people were strong presence at the march, and while most of them marched for the same things as their older counterparts, a young Latina from Rhode Island took it one step further. Ana Rodriguez said she came to make a statement about Puerto Rico.

Since the plebiscite is going on in Puerto Rico now and they're going to decide the statehood of Commonwealth. And Puerto Rico has been oppressed for 500 years, first by the Spaniards and now by the Americans and everybody else. And the Puerto Ricans here in the United States see the worst part of it.

[Natural sounds of march] Even though a majority of the marchers declared that little has changed in the 30 years since the first march, there was a feeling of optimism for the future in the air. Henry Cisneros, Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, said his optimism comes from faith that this administration will help out those who have been in need for so long.

For children who grow up in a development where they have no prospects or jobs or hope, for young people who get drawn to the only life around them which is drugs, you could only say that things were worse. But what we have to do is capture the momentum of what is possible and luckily, we have a president. We have an administration that is willing to go out on a limb and I think today is an important reminder of the job ahead.

Most Latinos at the march were as hopeful for the future as Secretary Cisneros, but some expressed disappointment that President Clinton was not there and that Latino participation in the march was relatively small. For Latino USA, I'm Patricia Guadalupe in Washington.

The total number of Latinos in the US workforce has been doubling every 10 years since the 1950s. But while Latino employment has expanded, the average quality of their jobs has declined. Latino USA's Maria Martin has more.

Just a short while ago, the Census Bureau issued a report saying Hispanics are disproportionately represented among the nation’s poor and make up a large part of the working poor. This finding came as no surprise to a group of sociologists and political scientists who studied Latinos in the American labor market. According to economist Raul Hinojosa Ojeda, one of the authors of the study, Latinos in a changing US economy, the study's most important finding was the dramatic downturn in economic opportunity for Latinos beginning after the mid 1970s.

Whereas the gap in earnings was closing throughout the most of the post-war era until about the mid 1970s, that gap has been increasing very rapidly. And in fact, that gap is very large part of the explanation of the increasing inequality in the United States.

The study's authors say downsizing of government programs during the 80s along with a lack of higher educational achievement by Latinos are among the factors which contribute to a decline in their economic situation. Perhaps the biggest factor, however, has to do with the restructuring of the US economy, from manufacturing to a greater focus on the service sector. Again, Raul Hinojosa.

So what was going on is just when Latinos were beginning to move into the capacity to take advantage of good-paying union jobs, these jobs became more and more scarce as the ability of the United States to compete in world markets and maintain the growth in those jobs begins and begins to erode.

Some of the study's authors say they were surprised to find that immigration had not played a significant role in the downturn in the relative income of US Latinos. Native born and immigrant Hispanics they say, generally compete for very different jobs. In a few cases, recent Hispanic immigrants and new native born job seekers do compete, but this is not a major factor in determining the overall income level for US Latinos. Sociologist Frank Bonilla is the executive director of the Inter-University Program on Latino research.

Whether or not immigration in itself is promoting more inequality, the reality is that both immigrant and native-born Latinos of all nationalities are facing new conditions of low wages. And that the number of working poor, that is people who have jobs but who receive the salaries that are below the poverty standard, are very much concentrated among the immigrant population and in some parts of the countries such as Los Angeles, principally among Mexican-Americans and new Mexican immigrants, particularly women.

When looking at the various Latino communities, the authors found regional differences. For instance, Miami did not experience the loss of manufacturing jobs that New York did. Still says political scientist, Maria Torres, it's hard to say that no Latino group remains unaffected by the trends in the American economy.

When we look within communities within these regions, there are no clear winners and no clear losers. It depends on the industries. For instance, in Chicago, Mexican-Americans do relatively well in comparison to Cubans, Puerto Ricans, and even South Americans when you're talking about manufacturing and public administration. When you're talking about the high services, Cuban-American males do very well. When you're talking about retail, Cuban-American women do very poorly. So I think that one of the lessons that we are learning in this study is that there really is a need to look at a joint community-based agenda that emphasizes Latino workers, because if there is and across the board lesson for all Latino workers is that there is an impoverishment of Latino workers in every community and throughout the United States. And that even when we compare Latinos to African Americans and to Anglos, Latinos are at the bottom of the pail when we look at all workers.

Dr. Maria Torres of DePaul University, one of those participating in the study on Latinos in a changing US economy. For Latino USA, I'm Maria Martin.

While the media debates the pros and cons of immigration and pollsters measure growing anti-immigrant sentiment, it's somewhat harder to measure how immigrants feel about the ongoing debate. So Latino USA went to commentator, John Guardo, who came to this country from Colombia as a young boy to get his views on the controversy.

Yo, you want to know what really burns me up? It's when I hear people talk about minorities and immigrants like we are subhuman. It's those same people who think it's our fault when bad things happen in our neighborhoods. What they don't realize is that our communities are the ones abandoned by the authorities and left to decay. To set the record straight, let me tell you a story. There once was a kid, a smart kid, who came to this country not to freeload or abuse the opportunities America had to offer, but for a more basic reason. To live with his mom. You see, earlier in his life, his parents had separated. Pops was an alcoholic who had made a habit out of beating up mom. Mom was a teenager, who after the separation, moved to the US, leaving the kid behind, sacrificing it all for a shot at a better life. Finally, time allowed for mother and son to reunite in New York City.

This story should have ended with them living happily ever after. Unfortunately, this is the real world and it didn't happen that way. I am that kid. When I put my foot on the plane, I knew it was the start of a new life. I look forward to visiting Disneyland and the Empire State Building. I had a lot of aspirations. Catching a glimpse of the Statue of Liberty just before landing gave me confidence. It reassured me that I was finally free from the family violence I left back home. But had I really escaped violence entirely? For the first few weeks after I came to this country, life was good. Living in postcard New York was how I thought it would be. That all ended when my mom ran out of places to take me and I had to face it all on my own. Armed with only intellect and friendliness, I stepped into society only to face a seemingly indestructible enemy. Prejudice.

Being nice didn't keep me from getting beat up. Being smart didn't mean anything if no one would listen. But being punched for not knowing English, that was the last straw. From then on, respect became more important than anything and the streets became my school. My mother, on the other hand, worked incessantly, pushed to exhaustion by a dream of seeing her son wear a graduation gown. Sometimes, I felt like telling her how many obstacles I was facing as a new immigrant and just because of being myself, but that would've disillusioned her and she didn't deserve that. When I turned 15, I joined a gang. It seemed like the only way out of my situation. It was like a passport to a regular life, free from being pursued by hate I didn't understand. With size came strengths, and all our voices fused into one that was heard and respected. Now, through violence, I had earned the right to be.

Being young at that time though, I was more inclined to the social aspects of gang life. Being with girls, drinking with the guys, and wilding. Walking down that path landed me in jail a couple of times, turning me into a stereotype, just another statistic. I admit that my sense of responsibility decreased by being in a gang. Instead of hanging out, I could have been studying. But that lost time was replaced by a sense of security. The acceptance given to me by my crew filled up the hole created by being rejected during my first months here. Belonging to a gang fulfilled me, but as time passed, I realized this wasn't the way either. Now that I've been here for almost 10 years, I look at other young kids who have just arrived to this country and see myself. It's a shame that a person whose only intention is to come here and do better is welcomed by prejudice, greed, and racism.

This country was built on immigration. Why is it then? And some people claim to have more rights than others. Is it a seniority thing or a freedom thing? You see, I believe if there was some sort of structure or orientation to guide immigrants when they arrive here, those who are new to this country would be able to avoid certain obstacles. Like the ones I had to confront. A good start would be an expansion in the English as a second language program to make it available to everybody, students and adults alike. Not knowing how to speak English is a problem that leads to others like difficulty in finding a job or being a target for discrimination. America is a beautiful country, full of promise and opportunity for everyone. Immigrants included. Too bad, there are those out there who tarnish its beauty with ignorance. I am John Guardo, speaking for the street.

[Mexican folk music] The Chicana writer, Ana Castillo, had an abuelita, a grandmother who signed her name with an X. Castillo's father dropped out of high school. Her mother only finished primary school, but all three had an indelible impact on Castillo as a writer. They told her stories or cuentos. And in her latest novel, So far From God, Ana Castillo brings these cuentos to life.

[Reading] An account of the first astonishing occurrence in the lives of a woman named Sofia and her four faded daughters, and the equally astonishing return of her wayward husband. La Loca was only three years old when she died. Her mother, Sofi, woke at 12 midnight to the howling of the five dogs, six cats, and four horses whose custom it was to go freely in and out of the house. Sofi got up and tiptoed out of her room.

So Far From God is based in New Mexico where Castillo, who grew up in Chicago, has been living for the past two years. The book has been called a telenovela, a Chicana soap opera.

[Reading] Sofi put the baseball bat that she had taken with her when checking the house back under the bed just in case she encountered some tonto who had gotten ideas about the woman who lived alone with her four little girls by the ditch at the end of the road. It was then that she noticed the baby...

After growing up in Chicago as I did, which is not necessarily a very magical realist place although it has its moments, right? [Laughter] Was magical realism a part of your moving to the Southwest and was that part of, I mean, or because you talk about the Southwest and New Mexico is part of an integral part of this novel of yours?

Well, let's just kind of deconstruct this magical realism catch word. I think that's associated with Latin American literature, but also with the Latino reality, I think, and that's why I laugh because I thought I think it's more like this. This is a reality. Magical realism is what motivates us, and I did not have that intention at all to do that in my literature in this particular book. What happened was that I think I was possessed and I was there immersed, baptism by fire in Nuevo Mexico, and much of what comes out in here is material that is based on faith, which whether it's Catholic faith, it's Pueblo Indian mythology faith, or the creation story that is told here and would be... So it's sort of a diluting to simply say it's magic realism. I'm not sitting there and saying, now what can I do that's very extraordinary? Well, everything around me is very extraordinary and what's probably, I couldn't beat the reality here. I wouldn't call it magic realism. I would call it a book based on faith.

[Mexican Folk music] [Reading] Esperanza let out a shriek, long and so high-pitched that started some dogs barking in the distance. Sofi had stopped crying to see what was causing the girls' hysteria. When suddenly the whole crowd began to scream and fainted and move away from the priest who finally stood alone next to the baby's coffin. The lid had pushed all the way open and the little girl inside sat up just as sweetly as if she had woken from a nap, rubbing her eyes and yawning, "Mami?" She called, looking around and squinting her eyes against a harsh light. Father Jerome got hold of himself and sprinkled holy water in the direction of the child, but for the moment, was too stunned to utter so much as a word of prayer. Then, as if all this was not amazing enough, as Father Jerome moved toward the child, she lifted herself up into the air and landed on the church roof. "Don't touch me, don't touch me." She warned. This was only the beginning of the child's long lives' phobia of people.

There's been a lot of attention given to this book, So Far From God. I mean, you've gotten a lot of press. You've been doing readings. You've been traveling starting at five in the morning, ending at nine o'clock at night, reading in many, many different places. But this isn't your first novel. I mean, you've written other novels and other books of poetry before. So why now? Why do you think there's this interest now? Is it because there's all of a sudden this general incredible interest in Chicana-Latina writers or what? Do you think it's just because, "Hey, it just was a right historical moment."? How are you interpreting it?

Well, since I've been writing and publishing now for almost 20 years, I had that vision that it would take that long as a Chicana and I don't know how I had it, but I did have it. And unfortunately, that was an analysis that I understood in terms of racism, sexism, and classism, which is really, that is something that we can say most Chicanas-Latinas do experience in this country. You are not Native American. You are not European. What you are as a drone that should just go and work and don't worry, nobody wants to hear what you have to say.

And when you're a writer, that's what it's about, is what you have to say. And so I worked for many years as a poet. People still see me primarily as a poet. And then I thought, how can I really get the word out? Not that many people read poetry. And that's when I started teaching myself how to write fiction. And it took me a number of years before I did The Mixquiahuala Letters, which I thought I would die with. It stuck between the mattress and the beds spring, and nobody would ever see it or want to see it. And when it was accepted so quickly and so highly acclaimed critically by the Chicano scholars and that literary audience. It really took me aback.

I guess finally, what do you say to young Chicanos and Chicanas, but I guess primarily Chicanas who are probably maybe even listening to this, who are sitting in their little casita who knows where or in their dorm room if they're in a university and saying, "I don't have anything to say and my voice is strange and no one understands me."? And I mean, how do you try to convince them to trust their voice as you have finally come to trust yours?

You have to have great tenacity about this great personal conviction that this is what you want to do, that you love to do. So I would say write, write, write, write and read everything you can read, and embrace yourself because we all get rejected. I still get rejected. Sandra Cisneros still gets rejections. I mean, you say, "Well, in comparison to the success or to acknowledgement, who cares?" But everybody, at some point and continuously, will get that when they're sticking by their convictions. And when you're breaking, when you're trailblazing with the machete, it makes to try to make a little pathway there. So I would say to young Chicanos and Latinos who want to write, to read, read, read, write, and to believe in yourself. If you do it out of the love for what you're doing, you can't go wrong. How can you go wrong when you're doing what you believe in?

Thank you for joining us on Latino USA. It's been a pleasure. Un placer. Ana Castillo's latest book, So Far From God, is published by Norton. Muchas gracias, Ana.

Thank you.

Are we affirming Mexico as a dictatorship? That it's a dictatorship and it's the longest lasting dictatorship in this hemisphere, probably...

With increasing frequency opponents of the North American Free trade Agreement from labor to Ross Perot are attacking Mexico and the Mexican government. In Washington, Florida Congressman Lincoln Diaz-Balart joined other Cuban American representatives at a Capitol Hill press conference.

I don't see any change in the Mexican political system that leads me to believe that it's anything but the rotating dictatorship that it has been since the beginning of the pre-reign.

The Cuban American Congress members are concerned about what they feel is too cozy a relationship between the government of Carlos Salinas de Gortari and that of Fidel Castro. Since Premier Castro legalized the dollar and liberalized travel to Cuba in July, there have been indications some members of the Clinton administration favor negotiations with Cuba and that talks may actually have taken place, something the Cuban American delegation strongly opposes. Miami Congresswoman Illeana Ros-Lehtinen.

We have asked repeatedly for specifics on these negotiations. Where have they taken place? Who has participated in them? Have any agreements been signed? We get back generalities about, well, it's an ongoing set of negotiations which have been taking place through various administrations and we demand specific...

But according to another Cuban American Congressman Republican Lincoln Diaz Balart, the administration is not yet ready to ease relations with Cuba. He added the president may call for an oil embargo on the island as he did with Haiti.

In Arizona, the scene of a number of alleged incidents of human rights abuse against Mexican nationals, a US border patrolman has been charged with the rape of an undocumented woman. Manuel Arcadia reports from Tucson.

According to a news release issued by the Nogales, Arizona Police Department, 31-year-old border patrolman, Larry Dean Selders arrested two Mexican women who had entered the country illegally. He then dropped one off, kidnapped the other and raped her in a remote location. Selders was arrested after the woman reported the incident to the Mexican consulate. This incident follows a sequence of human rights violations against Mexican undocumented workers in Arizona, like the notorious Michael Elmer case that ended up in the shooting death of 22-year-old Mexican National Dario Miranda Valenzuela and the exoneration of charges. Cases like this have prompted Arizona Congressman Ed Pastor to introduce legislation calling for the commission to investigate charges of human rights violations by US officials along the border for Latino USA. This is Manuel Arcadia reporting in Tucson, Arizona.

A much-cited Los Angeles report on the cost of immigrants to local government is being called into question. A report by the Urban Institute claims the LA County report overstated the cost of immigrants on local government services. You're listening to Latino USA.

The Latino community, according to many health experts, is often least likely to receive attention from policy makers often because there is little available information. A new study in the nation's capital seeks to change that. As Patricia Guadalupe reports.